Globalism Is Transferring Power From Nations to Corporations

➡ The article discusses the lack of focus on developing American talent, instead relying on foreign talent. It also highlights the Promethean Action Group’s support for Trump’s economic policies, which they believe offer a new approach to economic development. The article criticizes the current messaging from the Republican Party and suggests they adopt the Promethean Group’s approach. It also discusses the increasing power of corporations, which now have the same standing as nations at the World Bank, and the implications of this for globalism and economies.
➡ The text discusses the tension between national interests and corporate interests in the context of globalization. It suggests that multinational corporations often prioritize their own profits over the welfare of the nations they operate in. The text also highlights the role of smaller, innovative companies in driving technological changes and economic growth. Lastly, it criticizes the shift of production to countries with cheaper labor, like China, arguing that it has led to the loss of innovation and patents.
➡ The text discusses the shift in innovation and manufacturing from the US to China, emphasizing the importance of manufacturing for innovation. It highlights Elon Musk’s efforts with Space X and Tesla as examples of successful large-scale production. The text also mentions the need to rebuild the US’s industrial base, possibly starting with the defense sector, and the importance of investing in energy, particularly alternative and nuclear energy. Lastly, it introduces retatrutide, a peptide used for weight loss and muscle preservation.
➡ The article discusses the tension between big tech companies and the need for independent thought, the political landscape in Michigan, and the impact of immigration on society. It highlights the struggle between needing to work with these tech giants for economic development, while also pushing back against their suppression of independent thinking. The article also explores the political dynamics in Michigan, particularly the Senate race, and the shifting political affiliations of the working class. Lastly, it delves into the challenges and implications of immigration, emphasizing the need for immigrants to take on responsibilities as citizens.
➡ The text discusses the impact of cheap foreign labor on young American workers, arguing that it undercuts wages and takes away entry-level jobs. It also criticizes the H1B visa system and the outsourcing of American technology to foreign companies. The text suggests that the U.S. should invest more in education, particularly in STEM fields, to compete with countries like India and China. It ends by discussing the need for a new political coalition to address these issues and the potential for politicians to leave the Democratic Party due to its perceived failings.
➡ The text discusses the challenges of working with large corporations that are part of the problem but also need to be part of the solution. It highlights the need for a balanced approach that benefits both corporations and labor, and criticizes the failure of globalization to deliver on its promises. The text also emphasizes the importance of changing the messaging to effectively communicate these issues and solutions.
➡ The text discusses the need for broader political dialogue in the country, addressing issues like Trump’s actions, the situation in Gaza, and the influence of the technocratic state. It emphasizes the importance of accountability, even when it’s uncomfortable, and highlights the potential for positive change, such as the reorganization of the Middle East and the development of major construction projects. The text encourages a shift in thinking towards solutions, rather than focusing solely on problems.

We’ve lacked an emphasis on developing our own people. We’ve basically been able to say we can basically push aside the American population. We can have them with broken homes, with drug addiction, with alcohol, with psychiatric issues, overweight, obesity. We can feed them poorly, not give them proper nutrition, not give them proper education. And what does University of Michigan do? Are these big universities? We’ll just bring in a bunch of foreign talent. This was a choice. It was a choice in the 1980s. Welcome to business Game changers. I’m Sarah Westall. I have Mike Steger coming back from the Promethean Action Group.

And I, I like them because they’re the smartest group. The people Mike especially really like Talking to Mike, smartest people on the Internet with an argument of why they like Trump’s economic policies. All I usually hear is negative from every direction. And you have this group that’s actually saying smart things. I, I think if I was the Trump Organization, if I was the White House, I would be reaching out to Promethean action, if I was the Republican Party and start ADOP their messaging, because the messaging that’s going out right now is so bad. It’s, it’s like they’re, like he said, this is a third way.

They’re doing a third way of how we do economic development, you know, not the old way, which is one way or the other. He, he’s claiming that Trump presented a third way and his actions are showing it. Well, the Republican Party is talking about the old ways. And if you want to reinvigorate this country, you got to be talking about it from what is he actually doing? Even if you don’t agree with everything the Promethean Group is saying, it’s really useful to hear what their analysis is and their perspective. And the other thing I really like about them is they’re coming at it from a solutions perspective and that not everything’s the end of the world.

We are, we, we can’t just die. You know, like let’s, we’re screwed. Let’s just sit back and we have to figure out a way to solve our problems. We got, you got to work with big tech and the largest companies in the world if you’re going to solutions. And those guys need to pull their behind head out of their behinds and realize that what they’re doing is hurting the country and we have to fight back against surveillance and we got to fight back against a lot of things that they’re doing, but we still got to work with them.

So how do you do that how do you create solutions? I also wanted to address the fact that corporations now have the same, he claims that the same standings as countries at the World Bank. What does that mean and how does that tie into globalism? You know, we’ve talked back in, and we bring this up. We talked back in the 90s how they were always saying that, that corporations are going to be larger than nations and they’re going to be. Things are going to be forming around corporations. And I remember always hearing that messaging. Well, it looks like we’re here, right? These companies are bigger and now there’s changes in how things are operating so that companies can have same standing at the World Bank.

We’re going to talk about that and how that helps globalization, but how that hurts you and me and hurts the nations and why hurting the nations hurts economies and how thousands of years of buildup of how economy works, how that just eroded overnight when they started doing these globalist policies and how it hurts economies. And you’re going to hear him make that story. We feel it on the ground. People feel it on the ground. But they don’t know why. People don’t know why that’s why the messaging is so bad is because there isn’t anybody coming up with coherent reasons why people are struggling.

They just know they’re struggling. And the same old, same old messaging isn’t going to work. You gotta talk about things differently. And that’s what the socialist Democrats are doing. They’re talking about it from a socialist standpoint and it’s resonating with people because it’s different. Well, we got to be different too, in sound economic principles and communicate things differently. And that’s why I like the Promethean Action Group. I don’t know if I agree with everything they’re saying, but I agree with the foundations of what they’re saying and I, I really like it. I wish they’d talk a little bit more about the pushback and surveillance and push back on some of these things.

Now Mike does. He’ll talk about. That’s why I really like having him on. He’ll talk about it all. And you can’t hide from these bigger issues. You got to talk about what’s going on in Gaza with Israel, you got to talk about what’s going on. We do. At the end, we talk about some of the harder issues too. You can’t hide from them because they’re real and, and the country is really talking about it. But you got messaging. That’s not just the old stupid messaging that Nobody buys. You got to get better at it. And we, we have to look at solutions.

So I love this conversation with Mike. I’m going to have to have them on more and I will have him on more. Before we get into that, I want to remind you that if you’re looking at buying silver and gold now, it’s an asset you can trust. Right? I think you need to diversify, think you need to do other things as well. That’s why I’m working with Ironhawk Financial which you can learn about with SW Hawk.com but silver and gold is a safe place to put your assets. And I work with Miles Franklin. Why? Because you can trust them.

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Great to be here. You have been talking. You talk a lot about economics and one of the things that you brought up that really caught my attention is that corporations now have the same standings as nations at the World Bank. I. That made me pause. What, what happened? Why, why are you saying that? Well, I mean I think that it’s the, the broader point that the World bank has arbitration panels where they, corporations can essence, sue nations. And so you get this with whether it’s loans or private various national equity and debts that are then purchased by the banks and they can sue corporate nations Corporations can then sue nations kind of thing.

That’s how it would kind of play out. But to me, it’s only an indication of what really is globalization, because it basically says these things like nations and get in the way. If we could just get rid of the nations, go to some ultimate cosmopolitan system where it’s just trade and, you know, personal interests and aggregate demand of peoples, and that will somehow shape and fulfill and meet the basic material needs and desires of the broadest number of people. That’s the underlying assumption. So we want to get rid of nations. How are we going to organize this? Well, we’ll organize it the way the private economy is organized, through corporations.

And I think that’s one way of looking at it from today, looking at what’s happening so that we’re basically looking at a system of corporations. We talked just earlier. We both came up out of the 90s. And the reality was that’s what everybody was saying, that corporations were kind of dominating the world. This is what the WTO and everything were presaging. But if you go back historically, it’s not the craziest idea, because when these kind of colonial empires that just looted entire areas of their wealth were set up, they didn’t do it as like a national entity.

They did it through private corporations. And so in some sense, we’re still running that same kind of model. It just doesn’t have the Red coats and the kind of imperial tyranny that it might have had at that time. Like, the Indian Trading Company is a good example of that. And. But, okay, let’s dial it back just a little bit. When we talk about nations having the same standards, understanding you can’t, as an individual, you can’t sue the government, can you? I mean, it’s not. Not you can, but not. There’s. They have a lot of protections that nations get inherently by being sovereign, whereas by letting.

Letting them sue a country that dissolves that. That protection. Well, it just allows for. It allows for corporate interest to prevail over national. The national welfare. You know what I’m saying? Right. Yeah, it puts them. It puts them in a different standing. But the other thing that you brought up that I think is really important and how it ties into globalization so people understand and it kind of is a problem just in the United States. Corporations hate the fact that they have to have different laws in every state. And so that’s why, you know, the federal government does some things to make it easier to do commerce across the entire country.

They want to do the same thing across the entire world. And so it’s not the benefit of the people, it’s a benefit of these multinational corporations wanting to have a seamless way of making money. Yeah, I mean, that’s kind of where this is structured. We want to increase and maximize profits. And those profits will be reflected in the stock markets and equity markets. And then everyone will become richer and better off because everyone will be increasingly into the equity markets. And that’s kind of the promise of globalization. That’s kind of the promise. We’re going to have these corporations and, well, the wealth will be distributed by shareholders.

This is not. This is how the Dutch organize it. You mentioned it. The India companies, the Dutch India Company had so much wealth coming in, but all of the, the merchant class and aristocrats at the time we’re talking 1600 were like, wait a minute, we can’t just let one company have all the wealth. So they set up stock markets, or they call it the Bourse, and in Amsterdam, and they set that up so that all of the merchant class could have access to the kind of massive a wealth of extraction that the Dutch East India Company was creating.

And so this is how they’ve been structured it and they’re trying to sell it more and more as a popular approach. And that’s ultimately what globalization was meant to basically say. Let’s, let’s systematize this. Let’s make it the legal foundations by which this operates. Which means ultimately corporations need to come in and say, if a nation’s not going along, then we have the right to be able to push it through arbitrage at the World bank or at the World Trade Organization or in the International Criminal Court or whatever. But all these kind of super national judicial panels that are now arbitrating between the interests of the corporations, which are really kind of primary in the globalist structure.

And maybe there’s a need for nation states, but they’re not the primary mode of operating. And now most countries don’t necessarily. If you take most countries in the world and you say, well, these aren’t really model entities by which things are functioning. So you could say that’s the argument. Right? The argument is the preponderance of nations are run far, far less effectively than most corporations are. But the bigger point is that it’s the principle. All of this, I believe, was targeting the United States because the United States has shown we have an ability to operate far more effectively than any one corporation.

And it really is that tension between the United States power as a major nation state versus this system of corporations that’s to me defining the battle. Although most of these corporations that are international corporations are stemming, springing out of the United States. Because when you look at the largest market cap companies in the world, they’re all US Companies. Right. So what is that relationship between the west or the United States wanting to maintain their sovereignty? But our largest corporations are the ones for the most part, not all of them, but for the most part are the ones behind this globalist and the World bank, behind this globalist march.

Yeah, well, I think what we see is we start to see some kind of reality dawning on some of these kind of corporate leaders, specifically in the tech sector. So you take kind of the Elon Musk as an example, his clear rhetoric in the 24 election to a lot of his colleagues from Silicon Valley and these other tech companies was to say, how much is your fortune going to be worth if the United States and the dollar system collapses? Like there’s clear. That’s right. So a lot of these guys were just operating off of short term interests.

The financiers, the law firms, the big global structures all are basically rewarding people for genuflecting to a globalization system. Corporations preponderate. And if you’re a major big corporation now, you’re like, great, I’m going to have a lot of power. So but it’s like, but we’ll think this thing through. And Musk just said, think it through. You have to have a strong nation. The nation has to be viable. And this is somewhat the kind of an inflection point for what Trump has done to say, well, nationalism or the American system ultimately has a very real value. It wants the corporations to do well, but it also wants to allow the foundations for those corporations to thrive to also be there long term.

And that means the nation has to be viable. And the nation is something, it’s not just a legal code. The nation is its people, its culture, the broader foundations, the ability to have self government. So once you pull that into it, it starts to change the discussion. And I think that’s really been, that’s starting to change what we think of in terms of economics. It’s much more and always has been a political, economic question. Well, and I think it’s even deeper than that when it comes to when you start seeing AI and you start seeing the Iran war and these drones and how the scale of economics, where we have these $20 million, $40 million that take down an 8,000, $10,000 drone, and where the economics of scale Just doesn’t make sense anymore.

So you can have this company that has this valuation that is massive and you’re not really competing with this much smaller corporation that’s just much more effective and efficient. And this gets to the point of ongoing wars and economies of scale. And when you’re over valuating things and when you have corruption built into the everything is off. Does that make sense what I’m saying? Yeah. No, there’s. Well, the driver of real. I mean that’s always been the case. I mean the big corporations are there, they’re kind of the, kind of the aggregate base of pulling something together.

But when you take in some cases when they’re vertically integrated, when they’re really productive and vertically integrated, they’re useful. But even then they’re still incredibly dependent on a lot of the small shops in the ecosystem. I mean, this is how Henry Ford built up Detroit. It wasn’t just Ford. It was that you had a gazillion small shops doing all kinds of innovative aspects that were driving technological changes in automotive. But more importantly, when you got bigger changes to how to be productive, machine tool design, scientific breakthroughs, new materials, those then became integrated much more rapidly in the smaller shops because the big ones end up having this kind of top heavy bureaucratic Wall street kind of characteristic.

So the real growth engine, these smaller engines, that’s partly why this whole merger and acquisition era that we’ve been in where they just all these big. I mean, what did Facebook do? Bought WhatsApp? Bought Instagram. I mean they didn’t develop. Yeah, they have to because they can’t. They all know big corporations know that the innovation is at with the little guys, but with the structuring that they’re doing these, this globalization structure, you’re eliminating the small guys to innovate. Yeah, you have, you have and you’ve taken away, you’ve stripped. I mean part of it is that you then strip because you get to this, you get to this question of corporate profits Uber alles.

And once you have that, then you seek for the cheapest labor. And that created an overwhelming tide into places like China. And China then was effective about it. They said we’re going to milk this globalization cow. And exactly what China did. So China went from a cheap labor supply where they were exploiting labor. Now they’re basically built up this huge, huge, massively advanced 21st century standards. Obviously a lot of it came from people like Tesla moving their shops there and other people moving their manufacturing. But they built up a huge ecosystem of production. Now that takes place there.

And they stole our patents and everything else and our innovations. Right. Oh, they. But once you move production, you know, I mean, once you have production, you have. If you have the mode of production and you have the product, you know exactly what you need to do. I mean, you know, it’s. You’ve. We’ve. They didn’t steal the patent. We just basically delivered it on a silver platter. That. Yeah. In mass. Yes. Yeah. So, and I remember back, God, about 10 years ago, I was doing some reports, I was writing a lot of reports back then, and I was writing how the number of patents that China is taking from the United States compared to what they’re developing on their own and how much we’re developing.

And the, the curves were like, holy crap. If this continues for a length of time, China’s going to overtake us in innovation. Yeah. And that’s what’s happened. And then what. This is what. So, I mean, you know, Elon Musk, for all of his problems, he’s. He’s also just a kind of incredibly brilliant guy. But what he did with Space X was just so important. Tesla. But more importantly, even Space X was to show people that and to show a lot of these tech guys that look, look, the cool thing, the hard thing. If you really want to make this a competitive challenge, the hard thing is producing at scale.

Like you were referencing, doing a custom thing, doing some software, doing some design. Okay, fine, you know, cool, you can wear a T shirt and sandals to work, whatever. But. But if you’re actually going to be productive and produce at scale on a large factory level, it gets much more challenging. You can’t just custom produce each little product. You’re now having to produce these. And if it’s a high quality, high technology, that’s where the challenge comes in. And so these guys are now starting to realize this kind of new. I don’t know what you want to call it, obviously a new kind of business elite that’s not just Wall street, but it was Silicon Valley, which, Which was dominated by software design.

Yeah, yeah. All. Not just big tech, but mostly big tech. But high tech is probably the way to say it. High tech, but it was software, it was design. You know, Apple designs everything. They don’t produce anything here. And Musk is saying if you guys really want to do the hard work, you need to be manufacturing here, because that’s where the hard work is. Once China has all the manufacturing, they’re going to come up with all the new designs because they can figure out how to make those designs real. And we won’t have the infrastructure to do it anyways.

Right. We don’t have, we don’t have the infrastructure. So you’re dependent on them to give you access to the infrastructure you once had. Excuse me. So how do we, knowing we need to do this because we’ve just completely gutted our, our environment. How do we build that back while, while not frustrating the people as they’re not making as much money? Everything is, there’s so many issues. And so trying to solve that problem while you’re in bed with some of the people who’ve created so many of these issues. Right. I mean there’s, it’s really. The optics is really hard to solve this when the people you have to work with to solve it are the ones that so many of the population really don’t like right now.

Yeah, yeah. And the same thing happened. I mean the irony of it is the same thing was true with Franklin Roosevelt. I mean as much as he had a more left wing support at the time, he was working with all of the top oligarchs. Even though they tried to kill him and run a presidential coup against him, he still was willing to tolerate them. So there’s somewhat, you have to overcome that balance because you don’t want them, you don’t want these interests, some of them just outright Wall street who are also getting, I mean JP Jamie Dimon saying, you know, it’s America, we got to invest in America.

A lot of it’s national security questions, which is good, but it’s limited national security can just take us back to a Cold war framework. We want broad based development, not just national defense. But I think the real question is looking at it from we have to get back to rebuilding up the industrial base of the country where that actually still exists is in the defense sector. Some of our most advanced productive capacity, some of our most trained technicians is in the defense sector. So it’s not wrong to build that up. I think the question is why Trump is doing the tariffs, why he’s bringing back mass manufacturing.

We’ve got more people in construction, building factories right now in the country than we ever have. There are positive things happening. But I’ll say all of that not to overlook, I believe we’re forcing attention and the tension is that right? We’ve built up this massive financial bubble, 50,000 Dow Jones, whatever, you’ve built it up for like 18 years since the crash, just non stop. We’re now saying for the last few years we’re going to rebuild up our manufacturing base. You can do both for a certain period of time, but at some point you have to choose which one are you really going to grow the manufacturing base.

While the manufacturing base is still early and its revival still young, it’s still not massive. It doesn’t require tons of credit. But once that gets bigger and bigger, it’s going to require more and more financing, more and more investment. And you’re going to have to start drawing from what you’ve been pumping into that equity markets. That’s right. They need to shift to actual production of goods or innovation. I would like to see them. You made a case that the defense is where maybe our best capabilities are. They start there because they have a need. I would like to see us focusing on human developmental areas, exploration or other kinds of technologies that bring humans out of this war mode.

Well, yeah, of course, I mean, well, there’s a couple of things is that part of this is that that’s just where the technical training is. There’s tons and tons of training positions. Ford right Now, Ford has 5,000 maintenance and mechanic positions open that are unfilled right now in the United States. There are all kinds of companies looking for creating massive apprenticeships in the electrician, H vac, carpentry, plumbing. The biggest question though is that once we shut down our industry, like starting 55 years ago, this is August 15th is two days from now. And that was kind of the real onset of globalization.

8-15-71. We’ve, we’ve, we’ve not built, we’ve taken mass. Like where I live in Michigan, probably where you live in Minnesota, similar. You’ve taken coal plants off the grid and you brought on a lot of wind and solar. You can’t run factories in industry and production. You can’t build a lot of infrastructure when you don’t have the power supply. So the first thing we have to do is get the power supply going. And ironically, even for the crazy no zero growth Democrats and people in the country, the zero growthers, the AI bubble has shaken them up in Michigan.

They Whitmer the governor turned off a nuclear power plant. Then the AI thing popped and she said we have to turn the nuclear power plant back on. They realize, holy crap. Yeah. I mean it was like tangible, tangible shift so awesome. Yeah. Well, alternative energy is where they’re investing a lot of their money, which I think think capital, these big companies. I think we’re in an energy boom that people can’t see now. It’s hidden behind data centers and other things right but there is a lot of money going into building alternative energy. That’s it. That’s it.

And there was just, we just brought on four new reactor designs for the first time in 40 years. There’s a lot that’s kind of now developing. We’ve got the government, the government, think about this. The government has put up massive capital and then gotten the private utilities and the states to put in also capital to build 10 new large gigawatt large nuclear power plants. They’re already putting, already putting the orders in for coming out of a capital fund in the Pentagon, coming out of a bank that the DOE set up. So the government’s starting to operate much more in the interest of what you’re saying, development.

And I think that’s, that’s, that’s key. The energy is key because once we have the energy, then you can do, you can basically do whatever we want to do. Many of you have heard of me talking about my weight loss journey and how I’ve lost over 25 pounds with peptides, specifically with retatrutide. Retatrutide is a next generation GLP1. It’s by far the most effective weight loss peptide on the market. By activating three hormone receptor signs simultaneously, which not only suppresses appetite, but actively works to burn fat. In recent studies, participants lost an average of 26.1% total fat mass in 36 weeks.

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They are into immigration, which are, is which I want to talk a little bit about immigration and how they, how that undercuts globalism. So they’re the ones that were pushing this. They’re the ones doing this because they want to dominate the world. They’re the ones that we have to work with to reinvigorate development and they’re the ones that we have to push back when it comes to taking away our freedoms and independent thought. Like they’re suppressing People who are thinking independently because they don’t want people thinking independently. Independently goes against their narratives and it screws that up.

Right. So the very people we need to push back against are the very ones that we want to partner with to make sure we have a strong nation. So that tension is very real. How do the, the politicians that understand. I don’t even know if that many people, politicians really understand what’s going on. I’m being honest. But the ones that do that understand this economic need that we have. Otherwise the nation’s screwed. We’re going to be third. We’re screwed. Right. How do we, how do we deal with this? Well, to me, I mean, take Michigan. Right now, Michigan really is kind of in the national purview because of the big Senate race with El Sayed versus now Mike Rogers.

So. And you know, people, some I had a friend say today, well, look, it’s interesting how the Democrats are going further left, Republicans are going further right. And it’s like, well, is it further right, further left, or is it just the fact that the center is just so corrupt that nobody wants to be in the center? But the real question is the substance. And what’s interesting is that a city council member from Detroit, Mary Waters, black politician, represents black Detroit. El Sayed lost Detroit by 30 points. This is where he was the public health official. He won Ann Arbor by 30 points and he lost Detroit by 30 points.

That tells you where this DSA base really lives. Okay, hold on a second. So where he is is actually based out of. He lost and he won based on a PR campaign to people who haven’t even. That weren’t in his base. So they, they voted for him based on marketing, whereas the people that actually got to see how he operates didn’t vote for him. Yeah, that’s one way of putting it for sure. And it just shows like the affluence of Ann Arbor. And all the academics love El Sayed, but all the working class blacks in Detroit hate El Sayed.

That’s interesting. And what do they say? What are the people on the ground saying? And what are the elites that like him saying? Well, the elites are basically saying, you know, burn it down. I mean, Trump, if Trump expresses half the country, then half the country needs to be basically put into concentration camps. And so that’s kind of what, that’s the kind of line here. I mean, El Said was caught on a speaking to a Muslim crowd. And he said something like, you know, this country is the same country that killed all the Indians, killed all the blacks and ran 9, 11.

That’s why they don’t want us to take over. And it’s like, look, I mean you can make arguments on all kinds of things, but to say that intrinsically the United States is an evil country is no basis to say you’re prepared to lead the country. Like that’s just not like a viable argument. So then it becomes Thanksgiving and everything else. But, but I think what more interesting as a result is that the black population in Detroit, expressed by say the city council member was to meet with Mike Rogers and to say, you know, Mike Rogers isn’t that crazy.

There was a guy, there was a leading Democrat, Julian Epstein, he was the leading counsel on the Democrats House Oversight Committee and House Judiciary Committee in Washington. And he said that Mike Rogers is practically a Bill Clinton Democrat and he’s now endorsed Rogers and supporting him. So you’ve got people that are starting to realize because what has Trump actually been talking about? The space program, infrastructure, bringing back manufacturing, protective tariffs, supporting working class wages, bringing back industry. Hillary Clinton has endorsed Trump’s Gaza plan as the only thing out there that’s actually going to work. I mean there are kind of a breaking point of ironies here.

But I would say that that working class black population just as one example of a working class Democrat base, if that starts to shift, then we’re pulling together a coalition where if you can have the big tech guys and working class blacks in Detroit in the same coalition, then you’ve got something that’s going to hold tension. It’s going to be largely based on the population, but you’re also going to have corporate interests that see that we want to continue to benefit, but we want the nation as a whole to do well. We don’t want this increasing political division.

And any smart corporate leader would know that’s the last thing you want is massive political divisions and instability in the country. So I think there’s a kind of coalition building here similar to what FDR did where he actually, by 34, 36 after he first got elected, a lot of the blacks switched over into the Democrat Party. I think there’s a kind of dynamic we could see happening that says look, let’s actually pull this thing together. Let’s bring the working class people together with some of the corporate interests that want to grow and invest into the well being of the country as a whole.

And if we can make that happen, I think that’s a real political revolution, one that’s been long needed. It certainly is. But let’s talk about the immigration, like in Minnesota for example, where the, the immigration that’s here, the people that are coming, are coming from another country. Somalia is what we have. And not all Somalians are, have this mindset. Okay. I want to, I hate that when people say that they’re all have this mind. They don’t. Some of them are really hard working people that really just want. It’s like any person from anywhere. But there is a cultural, a cultural difference that they bring with them, them, okay.

And they come out of one of the most corrupt areas in the world. And the cultural idea down there is you got to do whatever it takes to survive. And if you bring that here and you don’t obey the laws here and you don’t even respect the way that things are formatted here because you have more of a clan based structure, you will. The fraud is not unusual. Stealing $18 billion or whatever because we allowed it. It’s a loop pole. Everybody’s looking the other way. They’re like, hey great. You know, this is a gravy train because to them, they, that’s part of the cultural thing of just taking what you need to survive.

And, and then if we’re too stupid to make sure that this kind of corruption doesn’t happen, that’s what’s going to take place. I mean, is that the kind of immigrant. I mean that’s an extreme example. But if you don’t have responsibility as a citizen. You’ve been talking about this. Immigrants have to have responsibility as a citizen, otherwise society collapses. Yeah. I mean what we’ve done is just outrageous. It is just hard to imagine with this immigration question and the chain migration and everything, it’s just been, I mean, it’s what to me, the way I’ve, I’ve seen it is that we’ve, we’ve lacked, we’ve lacked an emphasis on developing our own people.

We’ve basically been able to say we can basically push aside the American population. We can have them with broken homes, with drug addiction, with alcohol, with psychiatric issues, overweight, obesity. We can feed them poorly, not give them proper nutrition, not give them proper education. And what does University of Michigan do? Are these big universities? Well, just bring in a bunch of foreign talent. This was a choice. It was a choice in the 1980s to bring in a bunch of foreign students for PhDs because guess what? They will work like cheap labor at the universities and do whatever their, their professor oversight professor will tell them.

Do they have a better work ethic? Okay, well I want, I want at that level they don’t do they. It’s different. And they, and they try to make you think that. Because now, now at the, at the labor level, it’s hard not to argue that Hispanics or some of those people at some of these lower paying jobs don’t have a better work ethic. Well, exactly. At lower paying. So if you say to a kid who’s 19 years old, I was on college campuses last fall doing a bunch of engagements and I talked to some of these young guys and I said, how many of you guys know, have friends right now who are 19 and 20 that would, would, would do roofing for 40 or 50 bucks an hour? All of them raised their hand, but would they do it for 18 bucks an hour? No.

But would they bust their ass for 40 bucks an hour and be able to buy a car and rent an apartment or look at a home after a few years, do that for a few years, save up some money, figure out what they wanted to do? Absolutely. So when you bring in the cheap foreign labor and you undercut wages, then you actually strip the entry level jobs, especially for young men, because that’s where large of the labor supply is coming from. You strip that from them. And they don’t actually, you don’t see and you say, well, these young men are just so lazy.

Oh, I mean, they’re lazy. They don’t want to work for like, you know what, they could, they could get the same amount of money doing McDonald’s. It’s demeaning. It’s demeaning as a dynamic. And I think it is demeaning as a dynamic. It’s a low level form of slavery in a way. And it basically undervalues the, in some ways, like with India, it’s a brain drain of a country which is also just horrendous. So you’ve got this kind of dynamic where you’re bringing, I mean, the H1B visa is a whole other scam. 70% of all H1B visas are held by Indians.

This whole thing has been set up as an entire industry. It’s a complete crock. Luckily, the administration’s really starting to squeeze it it. But we’ve basically said like, for example, if University of Michigan couldn’t pull in a bunch of foreign students in engineering or wherever else they’re pulling them in for and sciences and et cetera, you’d actually have to have the University of Michigan investing into Michigan public schools. You’d actually have to make sure that those high schools are educating the kids sufficiently enough to where they can actually be students at the highest levels at our top universities.

Well, but they have to change the mindset though, right? Because the mindset of people in India and China is they all want to be engineers and scientists. They want those STEM degrees. Here. It’s not the prevailing desire. Well, part of it is because we just haven’t created an incentive structure that this is what we are doing. I mean, in China and India, that’s like your ticket out of severe poverty. That’s right. And so somewhat because of the physical comforts and the handouts and everything else, people say, well, I don’t need to mobilize. But if we as a nation say this is what we are doing and you give the kids an effective education, then you’re going to have that quality.

All of these things, the, the, the ultra low ultraviolet, the extreme ultraviolet lithography, the big ASL machines that we do, all the advanced semiconductors with, that was a government program that was initiated to bring a bunch of talented companies and scientists and researchers together in the United States to make that breakthrough and create that technology. You can go through it over and over again, from telecommunications to airline flight, to automotives to rail cars, to airplanes, to rockets, to semiconductors, to transistors, you name it, we’ve invented all of these things. But like with this lithography, does an American company control that market? No, it’s a Dutch company.

We shipped out, we developed the technology, we ship it out to a foreign company, and then we actually have foreign labor to come in and, you know, fix our homes. It’s just been madness. And it just exposes, I think, the total fraud. Because ultimately the difference between a corporation and a nation is that a corporation doesn’t have any concern for the individual. But in our nation, as the kind of leading nation, the very core of our nation’s organization is the sovereign power of the individual. And that’s really, I think, what, why we’ve got to invert this entire process.

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How does that undermine, what do you think of that? I mean, it’s basically just saying we want the, the experiment of the United States to fail. There is an intention from this corporatist power, these globalist entity that they want to destroy and break the United States. It is basically reduce the current population to its, to its kind of incapacity to do anything to function, whether it’s mental or physical or cultural breakdown and then bring in other people that will somehow fill the slots for the time being as they literally tear apart the country. And we have, we’re losing an ability to gain national coherence.

We’re losing an ability to revive a deeper cultural tradition from which the nation and our civilization stem. And so, but I think we’re not, it’s not too late. It’s just the crisis has reached a fever pitch and so it’s time to kind of reconsolidate some of these deeper questions and insist on them. And if people want to don’t like it here, then they can go back. But we’re going to recreate the American culture that we need. That’s right. We need to. And we need to get serious about it. I know that in this state the one radio station that was talking about local issues from more of a conservative perspective was taken off air.

And so there’s nothing really that is on air in the mornings like it used to be. That’s. You can attack the messaging if you, if you make it. So it’s really hard for citizens to hear the stories, to hear people like you talking about what these solutions are. Then the people don’t know really. How do we create a coalition that talks about these common sense issues and actually get to the people? Yeah, I think that’s what’s emerging within this new Republican Party. I don’t think we’ve finished the job. I don’t think we have the kind of political coalition, but I think it’s emerging and I think we’ve just got to keep fighting for it.

I mean, Minnesota, like Michigan’s got huge elections. And I don’t think, I don’t think they’re all necessarily gonna go the way that people think. I would even say this, I would say that given the increasing rot in the Democrat Party, that I think there’s gonna be a number of politicians both in the House and Senate, maybe on a state level, who are gonna say, I just can’t be a part of this any longer. And so I think even after election day, you’re gonna see some people making some decisions. Because what Trump basically was able to confront this political process with was here’s a new option.

And the, the, the, you could say the establishment freaked out and they’ve been trying to stop him for 10 years. It hasn’t worked. They’re now running. They’ve got the Mark Carneys, they’ve got the Obamas that they’re going to try to keep in the main line of an anti Trump liberal, you know, globalist destruction of America. But if that doesn’t work, they’re now breeding. I watched a guy from the DSA who joined it in 2013, say in 2016, 2017, after Trump won, it was flooded with Leninists and Stalinists and they were hardcore. And racial violence and racial tensions, all of this became the main way of controlling the dsa.

I think they’ve been building up this kind of communist, pro Hamas communist option to kind of burn it all down as kind of a last ditch effort to kind of, if we can’t maintain control of the United States, maybe we can just wreck the whole thing. But the good part is, I think a lot of the American people can see that what Trump’s been doing has not been that radical. Wanting to make our streets safe and our capital look beautiful is not crazy. Wanting to bring back manufacturing with tariffs is not insanity. And so getting rid of a lot of the illegal immigrants and getting them out of the country is not insane insanity.

Well, but, but what is an issue that creates this tension is he has to work with the corporations that are creating a lot of the problems and then they can turn around and use that against them and make him look like. And maybe he is. That’s the hard part. Is he in bed with them or is he not? And that’s, you have to work with the largest corporations in the world. They have to be part of the solution. But they’ve created a lot of the, the problem. And so you can pin all of the problem on him and say, see, look what he’s doing.

And so how do. How does. How do you get that messaging around that? And how do you get these idiots have created these problems to say, hey, we’re undermining our own kids just for the sake of what. What are we doing here? Yeah, yeah. No, it’s true. I mean, an old friend used to compare this kind of situation to Alexander the Great. He conquered much of the known world, but the people he put in power were the corrupt, corrupt officials locally that he could somehow trust that had enough power to run things. So in some ways, I think we’re just at a period of conquering.

We’re reconquering our country from these kind of barbaric corporations. And so some of them we need to bring in, that can be useful. But if we just stopped and kicked up our feet and said, okay, it looks like we got it now. Everything’s fine. Oh, we’ll be eaten alive. But we’re showing we have. We have to work like hell and we’re going to be maybe eaten alive. I’m sorry. Yeah, well, we might, we might. But I think it’s at this point, if we fight like hell, we’ve got this. That’s my sense. We’ve shifted the point. We’ve taken the beachhead, you know, we’ve taken the Normandy beachhead, which was the hardest, most brutal part of this.

And so now we’ve just got to decide to take over the entire continent, so to speak. Excellent. Okay, well, then how do we. I mean, how do we communicate that? I think you are doing one of the best jobs out there. Promethean Action Group is, I think, is doing so much better than anybody at communicating that message. You know, what you’re talking about having. Having some confidence in what this actually is pretty much uniformly across the board. It’s all negative. Besides you guys. I mean, honestly. And the politics. Nobody trusts the mainstream media. They’re just saying the talking points.

And it sounds gross. And even on the side of the Republic, Republicans, it sounds gross because it’s so shallow. And it just feels like it’s all. You guys are the only ones that are actually making an argument that is like, okay, this feels authentic and that you’re actually talking about it from a real standpoint. You know what I’m saying? I do, yeah. Yeah. I mean, I think that’s. That’s our whole essence and our whole point. Why we formed the Promethean Group was because we realized that too few people who understood what President Trump had initiated, which was a kind of a revival of the very core of an American system approach, a third way.

I mean, a real third way. Not communism, not crony capitalism, but a way to actually rebuild the country and unify it so that as the great American system, economist Henry Carey said, you know, it’s a harmony of interest. There is an interest, long term and short term, medium term, between corporations, capital and labor. And the question is pulling those things together. As Lincoln says, you know, the basis of capital came, comes from labor. It’s labor’s work that creates the, you know, free energy that ultimately becomes capital. But there’s a harmony of interest there. There’s a shared mission to see the nation grow.

And if we do that effectively, for all citizens to see an increased quality of life, higher levels of consumption, higher levels of production, and that the companies are generally thriving. That’s what globalization broke. There’s this funny British oligarch, what was his name? Teddy Smith or something, Teddy Goldsmith. Anyways, he made this point. On the globalization question. He saw it in France. He said 1975, France has like 2% unemployment. 10 years, 20 years later, it had 20% employment. The question was why? Because globalization came in and took something that took centuries. The agreements between capital and labor that were worked out over decades and centuries to be somewhat shared in a way that was stable, was just ripped to shreds when capital could just go get the cheapest labor anywhere in the world and just screw the populations in places like France or the United States States.

We’ve got to recreate that kind of, that. That fabric of shared interests, of a harmony of interests, valuing the actual people that live in the country. You talk about things being cosmetic materialism. And as a basic. Essentially what you just described. Can you explain that in a little more detail? Well, I think that the great promise of globalization was underlined, had a religious characteristic to it, which was it will deliver ongoing material success in perpetuity. So we can now we can, we can kind of leash ourselves, latch ourselves to this materialist train. We don’t need religion, we don’t need culture, we don’t need nations.

We just need a cosmopolitan economic environment. And we will just watch the material success of the average individual just be great. And then you’ll get their spokespeople to say, well, look how much better people in China are doing or Vietnam or Africa. And you’re like, like, well, just to basically take the wealth from one country and to bring it to another. So once. So is not. Is not the idea of Everything getting better. It’s a worldwide communism. Redistribution of wealth on a worldwide level versus saying you guys are doing great, let’s keep you there and let’s try to bring these guys up to your level.

You guys are healthy. Let’s get these guys to be healthy too. Right. Let’s not make you sick and them a little less sick. Yeah, right, right. And that’s, and that’s the, really the question. And so I think that the cosmetic materialism or secular materialism has been the underlying religious deity that globalization kind of serves and it’s failed. It’s not working. And that’s why you have these tensions from this younger generation in the United States, because they’re screaming this didn’t work. And of course it’s coming from like the Mamdani and El Sayed supporters. It’s coming from post grads who went to Duke or Harvard or wherever, Cornell.

And they got a post grad and intersectionality. And now they’re not. They’re wondering why they can’t afford a brownstone in Brooklyn. And it’s like, well, I mean, that’s just not how this works. But, but the point is that they really believe. They were the true believers in this dogma and they’re finding it that like, I’m far worse off than my parents, I’m far worse off than my grandparents. This system didn’t deliver and now they’re angry. They want to tear down their own gods, or in ours too, I guess. But I think that that means there’s an opening.

Because if we’re going to reorganize it, you can’t just reorganize it towards a nationalistic entity. We’re talking about reviving the very cultural outlook, the very kind of spiritual religious foundations that come out of the Western civilization. You can’t ignore that aspect of where the idea of a creative individual comes or the idea of self government. These didn’t come separate from kind of the, the Christian, the Christian West. Yeah. Take responsibility. There’s responsibility in the. And, and citizens. Helping citizens comes from the creativity of you developing something. I. Okay, you guys are great. Where can people, where can they follow you? And what.

Before I say this is the. Are the. Are you finding more people reaching out to your organization? I mean, I would think that you are doing such a better job with the messaging that they would start to take your lead. I mean, honest to God, I think that the messaging is almost like if this is the third way. A lot of the mainstream and other people in the Republican Party are Stuck in the second way or the first way, the old way, and they, they don’t know how to communicate this. And they’re not going to, they’re not going to get a coalition going or get people excited unless they change their messaging.

Yeah. I mean, our point is that we want to change the messaging. We want to be that spearhead that, that kind of, that changes the dynamic, that you can communicate what Trump’s doing in a far more effective way than anybody’s really doing. And in doing so, break down. And I’ll be honest, I think part of this, part of the control factor was if you took, when you took the Democrats completely off the table in 2017, when TDS just erupted, you had no ability to cross the aisle. Trump was dealt with, trapped into just dealing with having to organize the old Republicans.

He had no broader coalition to pull together. I think the kind of breaks we’re seeing politically today, make sure it’s more available to now really reach over and have a broader dialogue of what are we doing with the country. And in that dialogue, you start to see that what Trump’s doing makes a lot of sense, but it has to have a broader dialogue first. It can’t just be like, do you love Trump’s personality? It has to be, what do we need to do as a country? And I think our sense is that we can get that.

We’ve got it started, and I think we can make it the dominant picture because it’s the winning picture. Well, and to have an honest dialogue about some of the things that are going on and not ignore, honestly say, yeah, we don’t like what’s happening in Gaza. We. Let’s clean that up. But that doesn’t mean Israel and the good, the bad. Netanyahu. Netanyahu funded Hamas. He should be. And the people who committed the genocide, I mean, come on, what they did was not great. That needs, they need to be held accountable for it while we still have an ally with the people who aren’t like that.

I mean, we have to. We, we have to, like, face the demons. We have to face the demons of Epstein. We have to face the demons of the technocratic state surveillance state. You can’t ignore it and claim the high ground. You have to do it all. And it sucks, but you have to do it. Yeah, exactly. I mean, I would take two examples. Take the H1B. I mean, you know, Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy came out on this H1B visa, you know, over a year ago, and it was just horrendous and the blowback was so, so big.

So big. And it’s exactly what you wanted to see. And I think on the Gaza situation, it’s the same the blowback against Israel for just massive destruction. But then you look at what Trump’s doing today. We’ve now got Hamas, who’s abdicated political power in Gaza. They’ve now agreed to disarm and hand over their weapons. It’s obviously there’s some obstacles. Israel’s got a big election in October and there are lunatics even far right to Netanyahu running. So it’s not like it’s all like NETanyahu is the one problem we’ve got to confront. No, it’s a coalition of Netanyahu people that need to be held account for what they did.

Right, Right. But the point is that this Gaza picture that Trump has pulled together is kind of an extraordinary dynamic. You’re seeing a reorganization of the Middle east that I believe undoes a lot of the damage. The Sykes Picot legacy after World War I, he’s reorganizing it. It’s around Arab nationalism and it’s around construction. Iraq right now is talking about building a pipeline from Basra near the Persian Gulf all the way out to Jordan and to Syria. So you’re talking major kinds of constructions of big projects to start integrating the region around industry, around energy, but around national development.

And I think the same thing can be the, is the foundations for getting Gaza and Palestine and Israel, the whole thing back to functioning out of this kind of perpetual war, perpetual destruction that we’ve been in. And we have to get the people talking in that language. I suppose when you’re in a rut and you are all talking about how bad things are, you got to start talking about solutions and how to get ourselves out of this. And I, and I think, like I said, your, your messaging is so much better whether people agree with you or not.

The fact that you’re talking in that way can change the attitude and the spirits of the country. Well, I appreciate that and I think you’re right. I think you said it very well that you get trapped into a kind of language and a kind of thinking because the problem seems so overwhelming. And the only way to get out of problems, though, is to start thinking differently and start thinking about solutions. So that’s kind of our approach. And people can find us@prometheanaction.com and you can follow me @prometheanoverviews on YouTube. Excellent. Thank you so much. You’re always a pleasure to have on the program.

I really appreciate it.
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