Summary
âž¡ The text discusses the history and evolution of the CIA, highlighting its transformation into a significant global player during the 1950s under President Eisenhower. It also touches on the controversial Operation Paperclip, where German scientists were brought to the U.S. after World War II. The text criticizes Eisenhower for warning about the military-industrial complex, arguing that the real threat is the intelligence, media, academic, and banking complex. It also mentions the CIA-led coup in Iran in 1954 and Eisenhower’s role in setting up the Vietnam War.
âž¡ During World War II, the Army Signal Corps, a precursor to the NSA, collected information on people in the Roosevelt administration who were seen as Soviet sympathizers. This information couldn’t be used due to its warrantless nature, but it’s believed some of it was passed to Joe McCarthy. The text also suggests that Eisenhower’s actions during the war allowed the Soviets to take Eastern Europe, and that he later appointed the Dulles brothers, who had connections to powerful figures, to key positions. The text also implies that the military has always had a significant influence on politics, and that this continues today.
âž¡ The speaker discusses the military-industrial complex, criticizing the corrupt relationships between government officials and big businesses. They argue that the military needs honest civilian control, not control by those with vested interests in industries like pharmaceuticals, weapons manufacturing, and banking. They also discuss the history of American politics, suggesting that the last real chance to reverse course was in the 1952 election. The speaker ends by promoting their book about this topic.
âž¡ This text discusses the evolution of political ideologies in America, focusing on the rise of the MAGA movement and its roots in the past. It traces the changes in the Democratic and Republican parties from the 1800s to the present, highlighting the shift from laissez-faire individualism to neoconservatism. The text also explores the influence of figures like FDR, Trotsky, and Trump on these shifts. Lastly, it touches on the impact of major events like World War II, the Cold War, and 9/11 on the American political landscape.
âž¡ The article discusses the political shift in America from neoconservatism to a revival of original right thought, seen in the Tea Party protests and Ron Paul’s presidential campaigns. It highlights how Trump’s 2016 victory was a sign of this shift, but also notes that neoconservatism is not entirely in the past, as seen in Trump’s first-term appointments. The article also draws parallels between neoconservatives and Leon Trotsky’s global socialist vision. It ends with a warning about scammers pretending to be the author in the comment section.
Transcript
And let’s see here. We’re gonna go with this one and this one. All right, so this is the. This is slide number one. The globalists fear the Q Military industrial complex. Not the military industrial complex, but the Q Military industrial complex, which I think is a very huge distinction. Any. Any words that you’d like to insert there, Michigan. Well, yeah, as we all know, that term, the military industrial complex derives from Eisenhower’s farewell speech, 1961, and it’s been grossly misunderstood by too many people on the right. Too many people in our community talk about the military industrial complex, even on the left.
Well, the left latched on to it during the Vietnam War. That was their hip phrase, the military industrial complex. And now it’s just kind of, you know, the right uses it to describe something which really, this name doesn’t fit for it. What. What we have is a political intelligence complex that controls the military and to some extent, industry. But the misunderstanding comes from the fact that, well, people don’t understand what Eisenhower was and you understand who he was. That gives some more foundational context to military industrial complex, by the way. By the way, Mike, I don’t.
I don’t. I don’t mean to derail you, but it was something that I found actually kind of funny. Guess who came in and made a comment on the Eisenhower body count video. Well, I’ve been tangling on Twitter with Laura Eisenhower. Okay. Yep. That’s who did it. I am proud to have received her. Her ringing endorsement of my work. She. She referred to me as a pos. Piece of shill. Yeah. So that’s a badge of honor for. For me. But she did say that. So she’s. She’s. I don’t know. Someone must have linked one of my posts and tagged her.
She discovered me on Twitter. She didn’t like what I had to say about Great Gramps. That’s understandable. But, you know, this woman has Never met her great grandfather. She wasn’t even born because. So she doesn’t speak with any authority on, on the subject. And I mean some of her stuff is downright loony, suggesting that Eisenhower was the, the one who started the White Hat movement or something like that. Wow, I can’t believe that that even came out of her mouth. But anyway, I, I don’t want to get too far off into the. That’s a ringing endorsement from my book I Don’t Like Ike, which is available on Amazon.
What did Eisenhower mean by that term? Military industrial complex and the misplaced power and abuse of the military industrial complex? Yep. Well, first of all, he didn’t write his speeches. His speeches and that speech. His brother Milton and Malcolm Moose were his speech writers and that’s known that they wrote that speech. And when you look into the backgrounds of these two distinguished gentlemen, they were overtly pro world government, as left as you can get. Milton Eisenhower. As a matter of fact, in 1980 when the establishment was worried about Ronald Reagan, before they could get control of him, you’ll recall they put up a third party guy named John Anderson with the intention of splitting the Republican vote and getting Carter reelected.
And John Anderson chose as his running mate Milton Eisenhower. And what do we know about John Anderson? He later went on to become president of the World Federalist association which gave that award to Cronkite. So that tells us about Milton Eisenhower, what he’s all about. And then the other fellow, Malcolm Moose, he worked for the Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, President of Minnesota. I mean these guys were commies. It wasn’t like Eisenhower where they kind of hit it. These guys were left wing globalist Marxists and they wrote the military industrial complex speech. So that’s the context. So when Eisenhower is warning about it, who is he really warning? And the warning is to, it’s basically to his fellow globalists and also to tell the public, don’t mistrust, don’t trust the military and industrial, if they get together.
What is the military? That’s the Q operation. Industrial businessman Trump. In other words, Eisenhower was specifically warning that one day a, a combination of business and military could rise up to overthrow the new world order. That’s the meeting of military industrial complex. And here it is illustrated in your slide. There he is. Yep. The charismatic businessman at his first inauguration, surrounded on each side by military men. He’s got JAG on one side and military intel. Yep. On the other side. So that is what is meant by the term military industrial complex. It’s why Eisenhower was Worried about it because it’s always been the case historically in many different countries whenever there’s a pushback against new world order, against globalism, against communism.
Where does it come from? It comes from the business community and the military. That’s right. Always the case. And you know what? Just not to get, not to derail too much. But that’s exactly why I do not believe that California is as hard left as they say. I believe that what they’ve done is they’ve taken this big paintbrush and they take this blue, very viscous, thick paint and they’ve painted it over California. Yeah. And then, and then they, they further reinforce it with the, with the election results. But in my humble opinion, all of the election results are manipulated in California specifically to give the left a super majority because whatever happens in California is spread out.
And I mean, I remember seeing something, I was reading it and this is, this is a while back, but the whole objective was to start on the coasts and then have it come inwards. Yeah. And that’s exactly what they’ve done. You know, they started in New York and California. It migrated its way up into Seattle or into Oregon and Washington. It’s all up in the upper Northeast and all the way along the coast down through Delaware, New Jersey, you know, all that whole area. And then in the middle of the country, you’ve got to, you know.
Well, at one time Colorado was as, was as hard conservative as it could be. I mean, Colorado is like mountain man country. How in the world would and ain’t broke back mountain up there? You know, it, maybe it is now, but you know, it wasn’t then, so, but anyway, I, I digress. So moving on. Yeah, so there it is, there’s the, the pertinent excerpt. By the way, where did you say she commented on one? She commented on the video that you and I did on the Eisenhower body count when we went through. Yeah, it was the Eisenhower.
When was this? I just showed up. It showed up like today or yesterday. Okay, so maybe she’s stalking me because we had a, we had our exchange three days ago. Yeah. So I, I, I met her and I, you know, I don’t want, I don’t want to talk crap about her. I don’t know her personally. But I will say that the night that I met her, she was three sheets to the wind. That’s, and I’ll just leave it at that. Yeah. She’s got a Defender family legacy. Yeah. It’s understandable. She really irritated because I was posting about the Ryan Meadows Mass murder camps.
And she denies that, so that makes her a Holocaust denier. And it’s ironic because she was calling me a Holocaust denier. Right. But I’m gonna make some lemonade out of that one because that’s, that’s a nice endorsement. Pot. Meat, kettle. All right, well, so, so. But what. First time I’ve ever been happy to be called a piece of. That’s. So there’s the extra excerpt and I. This is from my article I wrote on the subject. Eisenhower’s farewell address was delivered in a television broadcast. It remains memorable for advocating that the nation guard against the potential influence of quote, the military industrial complex.
And I go on to explain. We talked about how it’s. It was actually his brother Milton and his main speechwriter Malcolm Moose, whose Marxist globalist left wing credentials are like out in the open if anybody wants to look at it. So they’re the ones who came up with that phrase. So they were already, they already knew there were white hats back then because this is after the Venona intercepts. It’s after the Eisenhower Patton conflict in the. Eisenhower MacArthur. He didn’t like these people. Eisenhower hated MacArthur and Patton because they were anti communists. And the canned and overrated speech had gone through 20 drafts over the course of several months.
And it is overrated and it’s just, it’s just misunderstood. Ironically, the left seems to understand it better than the right. You know, when you hear people talk about military. Why didn’t Eisenhower warn us about the intelligence complex? He’s the one who turned the CIA into a monster. That’s. You know what that is. I’m gonna tell you, that is actually a fantastic point. Yeah. Because if he really wanted to warn us about something, it wasn’t the military that was the problem. It was the, it was the, the intelligence apparatus that. That was, that was created under Truman.
But it was, you know, it was, it was Nixon who, you know. Do you know that Nixon was the head lawyer in charge of Paper. Paper Clip. Paper Clip dispersing all of the, all of the German scientists and whatnot into the United States. And I don’t think that they were all bad, but certainly I don’t think any of them were bad. They were just, they’re just scientists. And it was a. Basically a scramble to get our hands on their brains before the Soviets could. And you know, somehow that spun into the Nazis came and took over America.
It’s just absurd. I, I wish. But they were just top notch scientists and, and, and the, the Soviets took their share from, from the east and they got second. They got the sloppy seconds because we went in and got all the, all the pre, all the prime stuff first. We had teams going all over Germany trying to find these people and bring them out. And so they got the Russians, got a lot of the equipment and then the second tier scientists. But we got all of the premier guys. Yeah, the 18. So that’s it. And this CIA, although it was formed under Truman, you’ll find this right at the website of the CIA.
I discovered this article. I got to dig it up for you. I got the receipts on this. It’s a. This is the CIA admitting that it was during the 50s that they really came into their own as an important player on the world stage. Eisenhower made the CIA. Alan Dulles was his boy. That’s right. So you know, for this, this, this clown to warn us about the military industrial complex, now it’s the intelligence, media, academic and banking complex that’s been tormenting us for a long time. But that’s the same complex that created Eisenhower out of all whole cloth.
So he’s absolutely gonna condemn them. He was a nobody. Bernard Baruch made him. Okay, right. He was going on hunting trips with baruch in the 20 when he was a nobody. He was a low level officer. That’s how he got leapfrogged over hundreds of senior officers and became Supreme Allied Commander. So that’s the context that you have to view the warning. So you have to reverse the whole thing and realize the military industrial complex, at least what he’s talking about, that was those were the good guys. And indeed the worst fears of Milton and Malcolm Moose came to pass in the form of this Q operation in Donald Trump.
The military and the industrial have met and it’s the only force on earth that could have thwarted the new world order. That’s what they’re talking about. Well, and not, not, not to go back too far, but just, just to reinforce the point that you were talking about in terms of the CIA. You know, the, when first CIA led coup of a country was in Iran in 1954 on operation Ajax when Kermit Roosevelt, who was, what was he, the nephew or the grandson or how was his relation to fdr? Kermit would have been the grandson of Teddy.
Okay, so that was his uncle somewhere or along the line. But anyway, so Kermit Roosevelt goes over there and just pulled off a master plan of overthrowing Mohammed Mosaddegh because Mosaddegh had the audacity to nationalize the oil that was located within the borders of Iran. I mean, how dare he want to use his own resources to better his own people. How dare he want to do that? That’s Eisenhower. Guatemala also. He put the advisors his big thing now the country was demanding that we pull out of Korea, Korean War and that’s why Truman was so unpopular he couldn’t run for another term.
So Eisenhower gets in, he has to pull the plug on and he pulls us out of Korea very quickly. And Laura’s so proud of that. What she doesn’t tell you is that he then put advisors, advisors CIA in Vietnam and that was the foundation upon which LBJ letter built. So he got us out of Korea and he put us into Vietnam even though the war itself wouldn’t get started until the fake Tonkin Gulf resolution. But that, that’s it. It’s Eisenhower guys in Vietnam. He helped set up the original Bilderberger meetings. We talked in our earlier show about.
He, he behind the scenes. He killed the Bricker amendment. Yep. That was an amendment that would have passed that would have. It would have stipulated that any foreign treaty inconsistent with the U. S. Constitution, null and void. He maneuvered to kill that. He killed the McCarthy investigations and then they probably killed McCarthy literally. He was only 47 years old. Well that him and the, and the chief justice. Chief justice suddenly dies. Robert Topp suddenly dies. And there were scores of solid Republicans who lost their seats during the Eisenhower years. He wouldn’t campaign for him during the midterms.
He just like had a hands off. So it was during his reign that the Republican party was transformed from what was essentially a maga party, a Taft party of its day, into a rhino party. He did. Or neo or neoconservative. It was transferred, transitioned into a neoconservative. Now I’m only going to point this out for levity because I really want to hear you say it and I just need a laugh. But somebody says Eleanor Roosevelt was FDR’s cousin, she was a Roosevelt too sick. And I just want to hear. I just. Eleanor, you read that Donkey face.
Communist, lesbian. Exactly. Horrible, horrible woman. She was the original Hillary. Yeah, it was just a different culture at the time, so she couldn’t become, you know, openly involved in politics and run for office. You know, Hillary used to, used to commune with her seances because she’s into the occult, the Satanism and all that. I forget who revealed that. I think she admitted it or something like that. That she communes with Eleanor. Maybe, maybe they do the lesbian thing too, like. Yeah, that’s funny. That Was, that was. And speaking of Roosevelt, he, he, he, he was also owned by Baroque and he was the one making the appointments.
It was really bizarre. Eisenhower just went, here’s a guy who’s got kicked out of the army, okay. He was involved in some kind of fraud, claiming benefits he wasn’t entitled to. They went to the court martial him and now he, then he ends up as Supreme Allied Commander and then the first commander of NATO Council on Foreign Relations. And he comes back and then they make him president of Columbia University. They have to embellish his resume as some sort of intellectual, I suppose. So he’s got that gig for a short while. So that’s it. I mean, all of his background and everything he did both as commander during World War II and then as his presidency, this is what adds the context.
You gotta have context is everything. So now when you have someone like him with I call his ventriloquist Milton and Malcolm, giving them the words, talking about beware the military industrial complex, you have to automatically say, well, what is he talking about? They must be good guys then. Right? And indeed they are. So. But that phrase has become so embedded now in our political discourse that, you know, everybody uses it. Yep. As some kind of term for the deep state. But it’s not. In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence.
Oh really? Yeah, like the unwarranted influence of say the Council of Violations or. Right. EIA or the Bilderberger Group. Evidently he’s okay with that. None of those are elected groups. No, it’s the military industrial complex. Pure commie talk. Military bad, businessmen bad. That’s a great point. Really, it’s. And I mean that just. That lines up perfectly. It truly does. Yeah. And they knew even back then, even though the VENONA intercepts, which are the forerunner of the Q operation, it went on during World War II, but it was kept top secret. The presidents. It went on for 40 something years.
American presidents weren’t even told about it. That’s. The military was on their own monitoring communications. They declassified it in 1995 and we learned that they were on to all of these communist moles in the Roosevelt administration. Let me ask you, do you think that, do you think the VENOTA intercepts were arose as a result of how the Roosevelt administration tried to frame Short and Kimmel for Pearl Harbor? Do you think that played a significant impact to me that the dirt that they uncovered in Roosevelt was inadvertent because the, the state of purpose was to monitor Soviet communications, and maybe that wasn’t the stated purpose, so maybe had a dual purpose.
But they were monitoring Soviet communications during World War II because obviously they didn’t trust those sons of. But in the process, they discovered things like references to certain people in the, in the Roosevelt administration that the Soviets viewed as fellow travelers or agents. So it may have been like an ancillary discovery, but certainly, you know, once they did discover it, they kept up. They kept on doing it. So they, they had dirt this whole time. It’s called the arm, Army Signal Corps, forerunner of the nsa. The Q drops actually mentioned the Army Signal Corps. And they collected dirt for a long time, couldn’t do anything with it because it’s, it’s warrantless surveillance.
What are you going to do with it? Right. First of all, you don’t have a president you can work with. Who are you going to give the information to? Roosevelt. Right. Where’s that going to get you? Eisenhower, Truman. Secondly, it’s warrantless. You can’t use in a trial. So. But the best they could do, and I believe, quite certain, that they found ways to funnel some of this stuff to Joe McCarthy because McCarthy had contacts with Army Intelligence when he was in the military. And he may have been. He might have been the original Q op, because it was really remarkable, some of the stuff he was.
He had receipts on everybody who was giving it to him. Probably the Q team of the day. But the McCarthy, you know, the McCarthy hearings were killed by this individual here, Dwight D. Eisenhower, because had he continued, eventually he would have started uncovering some very, very big people. Well, he would have been exposed. Well, right, because he was, he was allowing it. He engineered World War II in such a manner that it enabled the Soviets to take Eastern Europe. Well, it’s. In certain respects, it’s no different than how Kennedy, you know, how the Israelis were involved in the Kennedy assassination because they had.
And Bobby. Because they couldn’t have Bobby digging around if he would have become president. And to see their involvement in that, in the JFK assassination. So, I mean, I mean, there’s, there’s so much out there, guys. It’s just, It’s. It’s so deep and so broad, and I’m, I’m. I’m just. Yeah, he made, he made the Dulles brothers. They were Baruch’s boys, too. Yes, Baruch is just like, you know, in Godfather, Remember that scene, he says, I need Don Corleone. All those politicians and judges you carry in your hip pocket like so many nickels and quarters. You remember that line.
But that’s what Baruch had. Were all of these guys. He cultivated them. When there were no bodies, he owned them. The Dulles brothers were baroque proteges. They were at the Treaty of Versailles. They were young men in their late 20s. Yep. That’s how far back they go to treat. And they were. Because they were lawyers at Sullivan and Cromwell. Yeah. Totally connected. And Eisenhower put Allen Dulles at the head of the CIA and his brother John Foster Dulles at the head of the State Department, which work together. The CIA is kind of like the enforcer on.
That’s right. When you hear them, he created them. JFK fired Allan Dulles. A year later, he’s dead. And who’s. Who gets to serve on the Warren Commission? Alan Dulles. Right. It’s really a misnomer. They just put Chief justice or Warren up there because of the prestige of his name, the Supreme Court Justice. It’s. It was really the Dulles Commission, so. Absolutely, absolutely. Yeah. And, you know, generally speaking, like we talk about Dulles, his name has a negative stink to it. But you. It’s. It’s really incongruent, inconsistent to say Eisenhower good, Allen Dull is bad. When Eisenhower made him and gave him all that power, you see.
So he’s part of the whole greasy bunch. Absolutely. It’s absolute absurd to think on his way out the door, he had a change of conscience and he’s warning the American people bullshit about the CIA, the Fed, the media. He didn’t warn us about any of that. Just. I look at that almost in the same vein as the quote given to Woodrow Wilson. He says, I’m a most unhappy man. I have unwittingly ruined my country by giving power to an elite corps of central bankers. I’m like, dude, shut up. You agreed to that long before you became president, so don’t even bear me.
Yeah, well, I don’t know if that’s actual quote or taken out of context, but, you know, in Eisenhower’s case, it wasn’t even that. He’s. He’s just given a hidden message. He’s. He. He wants to nip this in the B. He wants to make sure that something like a Q operation never does arise. Okay? Because as q post number 26 says, the only way is the military. That’s the first time Q said that, but he also repeated it later on. And indeed, indeed it is. They’re the only ones who have this kind of capability, and it always was.
And not only the capability, but there’s an element of the military that’s Apart from control of anybody, it’s almost like they live in their own world. You know, the, the slides today are very text heavy and I don’t know where you want me to go from here. I pretty much covered these points verbally. Okay, here’s some interesting images. Here’s the only way is the military. That’s from Q. And I’ve got an image there of George Patton. Yep. Douglas MacArthur. Both of them were nemesis of Eisenhower. I mean Patton, Patton and I. Patton and Eisenhower were classmates at West Point and at one time they were close and they were friends.
But then when, when they, they started to diverge during World War II. Patton was a, you know, very solid anti communist and he was also a very aggressive general who believed in go, go, go, take the fight to the enemy and end it. And throughout the war, Eisenhower continually found one pretext or another to slow him down. And this was very frustrating for Pat. And then by the time the war is over and after the war, Patton is, he’s saying things like, you know, we fought the wrong enemy. And he’s writing letters back to his wife at home, which I’m sure were probably opened.
And he tells his wife, when I come home and I’m, and I’m retired from the military, I’m going to start my counter offensive. And these, these Jews around Roosevelt, et cetera, et cetera. And then he’s killed an offender vendor. Eisenhower hated MacArthur. He was this, he was at his side as a subordinate in 1932 when MacArthur gave the order to bust up the communist bonus army marchers in Washington, their shacks. And Eisenhower letter said, I, I was disgusted by my, by. I told him not to do it, but MacArthur did that because he knew what it was.
It was like an early version of an Occupy Wall street was a communist insurrection that they were going to spread to other cities. So he took a heavy hand, nipped it in the bud. And then on that portrait there on the right, you see Trump in the Oval Office. No American president has ever had so many photo ops with top brass generals and admirals and even enlisted men than Trump because the military Q operation created him. And then he enabled them to go even farther. In that particular image, you see nine generals and admirals on Trump’s left and then 11 on the right.
So that’s 20 in all. You know, with the military, everything is precision and symmetry. Should be 10 and 10 on each side. Now that’s a message. 9, 11. Ultimately with where this is headed. That’s interesting. I didn’t, you know, What? I didn’t even look into it that deeply. But you’re. I. You know, that’s. I’m gonna have to check that out. That’s interesting. Yeah, count them up. And the general and Admiral. Most closest to Trump are Dumford and Admiral Rogers, who we know are part of the cooperation. Yeah, Admiral Rogers because he ran the nsa. Okay, right.
He did. That’s exactly right. I want to find. I’m going to see if I can find this here because I have a much bigger image of that that I can share. I think it would be prudent to do so. I downloaded it earlier. I just gotta find. But go. Go ahead. While I’m looking for that. Go ahead. Okay. So I believe patriotic elements of this military industrial complex, military intelligence and NSA in particular, were the ones who recruited Donald Trump as their front man to run for president and whose special psychological warfare operatives are secretly running the pretend Biden administration.
So it’s all one big military operation, and we are still. We are still under it, and we’re going to be for some time. I don’t. I don’t know when we will transition back to some sort of normal Republican form of government. But right now, the military operation is still in charge. I’m going to blow this picture up a little bit here so that it’s easier to see. But this. This is the same picture. Yes. 1, 2, 3, 4. You know what? It’s not the same picture, but what’s interesting is they did it again in this photo.
Yeah, it’s not. It’s 11 and 9, because I see Millie on. I see Millie, and I don’t see Rogers, but. And. And I see. And I see this. This guy right here is. That’s. That’s Mattis. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. 1, 2, 3. Okay, well, there’s 10. There’s. There’s 11. And then if you count Madison, there’s 10 on this side. It’s not the same picture. The other one was nine. Eleven. Yeah, this is eleven. One, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine. And there’s ten. Yeah. So maybe. Maybe Mattis doesn’t really. Well, I guess this guy didn’t count.
This guy didn’t count either. That’s not the picture. That wasn’t. Okay, well, I try. I. Well, at least you can’t. At least you can’t say that I didn’t try. Yeah, but that. That’s the one there. Because, you see, Trump is standing up, and then he’s got. He’s got. He’s got Pence and someone else on his side. And then the actual generals and admirals who are in uniform is 9 on one side, 11 on the other. All right, so the, the next, the very last slide is. It’s just kind of you talking about your book and whatnot.
And then the, and then the cue post. Yeah. The only way is the military. There’s a big New York Times front page headline about Eisenhower’s farewell sees a threat to liberties in the vast defense machine. Military doesn’t threaten our liberties. They don’t, they don’t set the tax policies, they don’t get us into treaties. They, they just follow orders. You know exactly. The politicians who get us into war. When is an American general or admiral ever unilaterally got us into war? This is rubbish. A threat to our liberties. That’s, that’s the political complex, the intelligence complex. But there it is.
Military bad. Cultivate this bad image of, of the military and it’s all broken down. There’s my book again, recently endorsed by Laura Eisenhower. Called me, call me a piece of which means it’s a damn good book. I, well, she didn’t read the book. She, All I was talking about was the Eisenhower death camps and she’s citing this establishment crap that. Oh no, that’s been debunked. And I posted images now that, that’s actually prima facie evidence because all you gotta do is look at the images and as far as the eye can see, you see Germans behind barbed wires, totally exposed.
Where are they? And pissing. Right. Okay, what’s the shelter then? From the cold, the, the rain. You just look at it and know that they’re dying by the hundreds, by the thousands every day. So there’s no denying that one. It was a deliberate genocide. And there’s the Q post I mentioned. Think about it logically. The only way is the military. And it really is. We were so far past the day when, when this problem could have been fixed at the ballot box. Okay. I, I think the last iota of an opportunity to do that would have been the, the 1964 election of Barry Goldwater.
But he didn’t get elected out. Exactly. Okay. They portrayed him as a lunatic. Okay. So I, I think at that point there was no hope of anything at the, at the, at the ballot box and maybe even beyond that. That was already like a long shot impossibility. I, I would say the last real hope of, of maybe reversing course at the ballot box would have been 1952 when it was expected that Robert Taft would be the nominee. But then they brought in Eisenhower to steal it from him. And from that moment forward, it was never. It was never really a viable solution anymore to win at the ballot box.
Even if you got a decent guy in there, you get Kennedy in there, they kill him. You get Reagan in there, they shoot at him. This is his first month in office, Almost kill him, and then he emerges as a more moderate Reagan. Now, military was the only way, but. And thankfully, they didn’t have to go the conventional shooting route because that would have triggered a civil war in 2016, because even the military would split in half. Right. So, yeah, there it is. That’s. That’s what the military industrial complex is really all about. It’s kind of disgusting when you think about it.
Just. Just with all the crap that’s out there. And you know, how. How the civilian. I’m a true believer that the military needs civilian control, but what the military needs is the military needs honest civilian control. And when you have criminals in government who move in and out of the bureaucracy, whether it be the pharmaceutical industry, the, you know, the weapons manufacturing and contractors, the, you know, the banking industry, I mean, they. These people, they go in and out. Like, look at, look at. Just. So let’s take Secretary of Defense McNamara when he was Secretary of defense under Kennedy, and then he remained in that position under Johnson.
And when that was done, where did he go? He went to the. Well, wait, wait a second. Was he. Member. Did he go to the. Was he at the World bank before or after McNamara? Yeah, I would think, like in the 70s. Yeah. So it was after. Yeah, it was after, but I think prior to that, he was working for either Lockheed or, you know, one of those, you know, one of the defense contractors. But I mean. And that’s just par for the course. That’s just one example. I mean, all these people. Look at. Look at Rumsfeld.
Rumsfeld was involved with the pharmaceutical industries to make sure that we got all the aspartame. You know, that was. That was a. That was his role. Look at. Look at Cheney, who, you know, Cheney was. Was extraordinarily influential in kbr. Who did KBR get all the contracts for to rebuild Iraq after we freaking just leveled it. So, I mean, I mean, the incestuous relationships between these people and big business is so deep, so. And so wide and, and go so far. It’s just. It’s. It’s disgusting. Yeah, they built quite a tangled web over the course of.
Yes, they have 100 years or so. Yes, they absolutely have. Well, Listen, we’re at about the 40 minute mark here, and I know you said you needed to go a little bit early, so, you know, do you have any, you have any other things that you want to throw out or do you want to, you know, you want to get on the road and get your stuff done? Because I know you got to go. I’ll just say definitely in line with what we spoke about tonight. Check, check out the book I don’t like Ike, if you’ve got an interest in that period of time, also Saint Joseph of Wisconsin, you can find those at Amazon under Mike S.
King is my author page. Because that was a very tumultuous period in American history, the Post World War II period. Absolutely. You know, people think the 50s was kind of calm, conservative era, the good old days. And it was in many ways, but beneath the surface, it was a lot of negative action that set the table for all the disasters of the subsequent decades. Yes, Eisenhower was, that was at the core of that. You know, we thought we had a conservative country back then, and it was. But meanwhile is like termites were chewing away at the foundations of the Republican Party and changing it.
And the Democrats too, because they were, they weren’t totally communist either in the 50s. By the time we got done with Eisenhower and Lyndon Johnson era, okay, that 16 years, which was just interrupted by three years of JFK, enormous irreparable damage by those two. And they were besties, by the way. They, they worked very well together because when Eisenhower was president, lbj, they rocketed him to Senate Majority Leader and they conspired. They killed the Bricker Amendment, they got rid of McCarthy. They work very well together because they were in the same. Yeah, that’s a relationship a lot of people don’t appreciate, just how well they, they work together.
The Democrat Majority leader, LBJ and Eisenhower, scum and scummier. Sorry, Laura. Yeah, it’s. It’s absolutely true. And you know what I think, you know what I think I may do? There’s, there’s a really good video out there done by the Mises since it’s about nine and a half minutes long, and it says, it’s talking about the context behind Donald Trump’s takeover of the American Right. And I think what I may do is I may go ahead and play that for the audience because it really. And if you want to hear. Let me, let me go ahead and do that.
And if you want to stick around, you can. And if you need to go, then go. But this is a very, very compelling piece Here. And let me see here. How long is that? It’s nine. It’s like nine and a half minutes. Yeah. I gotta run. You gotta run? Five minutes? Yeah. Okay. It was good being with all. With you all again. Check out real news in history.com if you’re interested in those books. And this one here, this is your military industrial complex people. The Secret Plan to Save Humanity. A summary of the Q operation in the Rise of Commander Trump.
This is what Eisenhower and Malcolm and Milton. This is what they were so scared of. Okay. But absolutely, people are going to be asking questions soon. And you need a weapon like this, which is available at Amazon under Mike S. King, because we’re gonna be talking about this more. That world. That World War Three scare that they’re cooking up is starting to unfold, right? You know, which represents the climax of this movie. But nobody worry. It’s all fake. Ain’t gonna be no World War Three. Agreed. Let the normies think that. I agree. I’m gonna send this to you.
I’m gonna send this to you so you can. You can see it because it’s. It’s actually really. It’s really good because it talks about how the MAGA movement isn’t new. And he goes back and he talks about some of the things that happened, you know, in the early part of this early part of the century, latter. Latter part of the 19th or 19th, first part of the 20th, and how the conservative movement became the neoconservative movement and that they all followed. Basically. They were Trotsky people. So. But. So. So Mike isn’t going to watch this with us, guys, but I’m going to share it because I think it’s a fitting end to what we’re talking about here, because it’s exactly the truth.
They. What they’re. What they are afraid of is exactly what this gentleman is talking about. So, Mike, thanks for your time tonight, brother. Good to see you, Ron. Thank you. Have a happy Thanksgiving. Happy Thanksgiving as well. And we’ll see you next week. All right, brother. All right, guys, here we go. Week’s election reinforced the impression that he and his followers have taken over the Republican Party. The campaign saw Republicans like Liz and Dick Cheney switch sides and back the Democratic nominee, Kamala Harris. Now, after Trump won a second term, the right is locked in an impassioned struggle to pressure the president elect to appoint some Republicans to important executive roles and to freeze others out of the administration entirely.
While it is often framed in the media as a battle between principled conservatives, on the one hand and an angry, non ideological movement focused solely on personal loyalty to Trump on the other. The current Civil War on the American right is only the latest chapter in a much older story. To truly understand what’s happening today, we have to go back. The political parties of the 1800s would be mostly unrecognizable to most people living today. Not only did parties come and go like the Federalist and Whig parties, the ideological makeup of early political parties would change dramatically.
For instance, after the Civil War, the Democrats were the party of free trade, hard money, personal liberty and minimal government. That changed in the 1890s when inflationist big government forces took over, bringing about a Democratic party that’s much closer to what we have today. The opposition to the Democrats remained relatively fractured, however, with a shrinking group of writers like Oswald Garrison Villard and Albert J. Nock carrying the laissez faire individualist tradition of the American Revolution and radical abolitionists on into the 20th century. These thinkers joined with socialists and left wing anti imperialists to oppose American involvement in World War I, seeing it as an unacceptable expansion of government that set a dangerous precedent for federal infringements on the American people’s liberty.
Then, as the country moved on from the war and into the Great Depression, the leftists and socialists dropped their opposition to the Washington establishment and rallied around Franklin Delano Roosevelt as he worked to implement the New Deal. At the same time, Herbert Hoover, who had in actuality started the government programs that FDR built on with the New Deal left office, rebranded himself as an opponent of big government and allied with the laissez faire individualists to oppose fdr. And with that, what we know today as the American left and right was born. The original right can best be understood as the opposite of FDR and the New Deal Democrats.
They opposed the quickly expanding level of government intervention in the economy and the aggressive internationalism of the Washington establishment. Some were focused on stopping the implementation of the New Deal, while others wanted to roll back the size of government well beyond where it had been at the start of FDR’s term. But together, as more and more of FDR’s destructive New Deal programs came to fruition, the right was unified in its rejection of the new interventionist status quo. That means the original American right wingers were fundamentally not conservatives. World War II upended politics. As it did with all other facets of American life, much of the American establishment got on board with FDR’s war effort.
Those on the right who instead argued that getting involved in the war would have lasting bad consequences for the American people were villainized and deplatformed, which was brutally effective in that day’s limited media environment. In his history of the topic, Murray Rothbard called the war the nadir or low point of the original right. After the war, things improved. For a time, opposing foreign interventionism in the public sphere again became possible. But that began to change as the Cold War with the Soviet Union ramped up. But this time the pressure to fall in line with Washington’s aggressive foreign policy came from other right wingers.
Some were surely tempted to give leftists a taste of their own medicine after enduring years of being slandered as fascists and Hitler apologists for daring to question the wisdom of going to war. But at the same time, the ideological makeup of the right was on the precipice of another change. At the same time the original right was fighting FDR’s New Deal and entrance into World War II, a small group of communists were going through an intellectual transition of their own. This group were fervent followers, political allies, and in some cases even close personal friends of the Russian communist revolutionary Leon Trotsky.
In what was both an ideological dispute and political struggle, Trotsky split with Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin, leading to his banishment from Russia. In the late 1920s through the 1930s, Trotsky in exile and his followers around the world argued against Stalin’s theory of socialism. In one country, the Trotskyists advocated for so called proletarian internationalism, working to bring countries under the communist banner until it remained the sole global power. But throughout Trotsky’s exile, and especially after his death at the hands of a Soviet agent in 1940, the Trotskyist movement began to fracture. Out of this fracture, some Trotskyists like James Burnham, Mack Shockman and others began to drift right.
These thinkers came to accept some aspects of the nominally liberal capitalist countries of the west. But importantly, they held onto their belief in the feasibility of central planning and their hatred of the Stalinist Soviet Union. As these former Trotskyists embedded themselves in the American right, they began to swing the balance away from the original opposition to the New Deal and foreign interventionism. The group which is now known as the neoconservatives, instead saw the interventionist programs built up by Hoover and FDR as institutions worth conserving and the USSR as a foreign menace. That required a significant expansion of Washington’s war making apparatus to oppose.
The neoconservatives and other right wingers who aligned with their goals and priorities formed a coalition that successfully transitioned the American right into a conservative movement that, while a bit skeptical of some future government interventions, was in favor of keeping the many that had already been implemented in place. This small government and rhetoric, but big government and practice conservative movement came to dominate the American right in the decades after World War II, thanks largely to conservative writer William F. Buckley Jr. And his magazine National Review. The conservatives at National Review framed opposition to the Soviet Union as the single most important issue facing the country and anyone who disagreed with either their hawkish anti Soviet foreign policy or conservative acceptance of the status quo.
As an unhinged maniac or a devotee of the ussr, Buckley conducted an enormously successful campaign to deplatform the various factions on the right who were not on board with his program. As members of the original right lost access to their newspaper columns and positions at magazines, they outright disappeared from public discourse. The neoconservative Buckleyite coalition dominated the American right through the 60s, 70s and 80s. Then in 1991 the USSR collapsed, exactly as many of the original right wing opponents of central planning predicted. Suddenly, the chief villain justifying the massive military industrial complex that had been built up in Washington was gone.
The right was again plunged into a crisis of identity. Some conservatives, like Pat Buchanan viewed the dissolution of the Soviet Union as the dreamed of opportunity to return to a non militaristic, internally focused country. Even as the Washington establishment quickly pivoted to its next bad guy in Saddam Hussein, Pat Buchanan and his followers joined with the intellectual heirs of the original right and ushered in a resurgence of older, non conservative ideas back to the American right. But the progress made in the 90s was significantly set back by the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Using the historic level of national unity that appropriately swept the country after the attacks, the neoconservative George W.
Bush administration launched the global war on terror. The Trotsky’s roots of neoconservatism could be seen in the group’s insistence on bringing the entire globe under their fold and their certainty that brand new Middle Eastern countries could be built and centrally planned from the top down. But later on in George W. Bush’s presidency, the disastrous results of the war on terror and the impossibility of the neoconservatives global project were becoming hard to ignore. That led again to a revival of original right thought, seen most clearly in the early days of the Tea Party protests and the popular presidential campaigns of Ron Paul.
After Barack Obama rode the public’s anti war sentiments to the White House, only to flip and govern as a war hawk While implementing many destructive economic interventions at home, much of the Republican base was ready to move on from neoconservatism. That is the sentiment that Trump, a marketer, not an ideologue, picked up on as he ran for President in 2016. His victory over Jeb Bush and later Hillary Clinton was not only a sign that the ideas of the original right could once again triumph over conservatism, but that they were popular enough to win the White House.
But that in no way means the age of neoconservatism is in the past. In his first term, Trump appointed many neoconservatives, Buckleyites and big government Republicans to important posts across the executive branch. They successfully prevented Trump from carrying out many of the antiestablishment policies voters had sent him to the White House to implement. The factional struggle we’re seeing today as Trump makes his first appointments for his second term is not some shallow, vindictive scrap based solely on personal slights from the past few years. It’s a pivotal moment in the long, convoluted history of the American right.
A battle between the populist original right wingers who understand the damage Trump’s appointments did to his agenda last time, and the establishment big government conservatives who again want to quietly co opt the Trump presidency and turn it back into the same old kind of Republican administration we’ve seen for decades. All righty, guys, there we go. That is so. I thought it was interesting that he used the military industrial complex line there, but I saw that the other day and I thought it was very well done, showing how the neoconservatives basically are nothing more than, than followers of Trotsky.
And if you guys don’t know who Trotsky was when the Soviet Union was founded, it was Vladimir Lenin was the leader. And the, and his two. Basically his. The, the two guys that were by his side were Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin, and they didn’t really like each other. Well, when Lenin died, Stalin and Trotsky kind of had a battle as to see who was going to become the next leader. And Trotsky lost. He fled. He went to. He went to Mexico. And Stalin hated the guy so much that he literally sent people to go hunt him down and kill him, and which they did.
Took an ax to the head as he was laying in a hospital bed or something like that. It’s just nasty. But Trotsky’s belief. Stalin wanted to have one country be a socialist republic, but Trotsky literally wanted every country to be socialist. And if you look at what the neoconservatives going back to Bush. And I would also include guys like Clinton and Obama. Even though they say they’re on the left, they have a very similar mentality in terms of, you know, global politics and geopolitical events and how they. How they, you know, how they govern. So. And if Mike were here, he would.
He would very likely back that up. So, anyway, guys, just. I wanted to play that for you. So instead of relying on you to see it, I just wanted to go ahead and hit play so that you guys could see it for yourself. So on that note, I am going to sign off. I appreciate you for taking the time. And again, you can always find mike stuff@realnewsonhistory.com and definitely go get some of his books. I actually ordered a couple of the books that he has on Amazon. I ordered them today, so hopefully I’ll have them by next week because I like to show them off.
But. But anyway. All right, guys, Tomorrow night I’m gonna be playing a movie for. It’s gonna be kind of like, just because it’s the eve of Halloween, I’m not gonna do anything really heavy. I’ll probably be. I’ll probably be doing like a kind of a pseudo watch party. And my thought at this moment is to do the movie jfk, the Director’s Cut, which I think is about two and a half to three hours long. So very long, but extraordinarily good. So that is kind of what’s on tap for tomorrow. And. But for the remainder of this evening, I hope you all have a great night.
And, oh, one more thing I want to tell you guys. If anybody reaches out to you in the comment section and says to talk to them or that I’m trying to, you know, it’s. It. They’re. They’re pretending to be me and giving you a WhatsApp or an email address or anything. It’s. It ain’t real. It’s not me trying to reach you guys. All right? That is. It’s. It’s a scammer. So don’t. Don’t respond to those people. Don’t answer to those people. Don’t talk to those people. If I catch them, I generally will delete them and block them.
But, I mean, they’re like. They’re like rabbits. They, you know, you get rid of one and two more. So. So it. It’s actually like whack a mole, probably more accurately. So, yeah, do not. Do not respond or email anybody. My email address that I’m always going to give out is Untold History Channel at Gmail until further notice. If that’s the only way that I would ever give anybody the ability to get a hold of me. And from there, I might give you my phone number so that we can communicate. I might not. I don’t know. But if we’re going to be.
If, if, if, if I’m going to reach out to you, it’s going to be here or in the comment section, and I’m going to give you my official email address, which is Until History Channel at Gmail. If that’s not the email address or the contact information, then do not contact them at all. So on that note, y’all have a. Y’all have a great night, and I will look forward to seeing you. Mana have a great night, everybody.
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