Karen Bass: The Red Diaper Baby Who Became Mayor of Los Angeles

➡ Ron Partain discusses the political journey of Karen Bass, who rose from a radical activist to a refined political figure in Los Angeles. Bass’s political beliefs, rooted in Marxist doctrine, have been influential in shaping California’s governance. Despite her quiet demeanor, she is a committed revolutionary, having been considered for Joe Biden’s running mate in 2020. Her political career, marked by her involvement in revolutionary activism and Marxist ideology, has been instrumental in her rise to power in one of America’s most influential cities.
➡ Karen Bass, a political figure with a history of radical activism, used her influence to push for societal changes that align with her ideological beliefs. She served on the Los Angeles School Board and the Los Angeles Network, advocating for anti-policing educational frameworks and racially focused curricula. In 2004, she transitioned into public office, continuing her activism by translating it into law. Despite ethical concerns about her financial arrangements, Bass’s rise to power shows how radicals can use democratic institutions to further their goals without causing political resistance.
➡ Karen Bass, a seasoned revolutionary with deep ties to Marxist regimes and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), became the first female black mayor of Los Angeles. Her career has been marked by radical activism, and her association with the NED, an organization known for reshaping governments, is seen as instrumental to her rise to power. As mayor, she faced criticism for lowering police admission standards and siding with rioters during immigration raids. Controversy also arose over her close ties to a political appointee with connections to the Chinese Communist Party.
➡ Karen Bass, a globalist leader, left her city during a crisis to attend a presidential inauguration in Ghana, leading to criticism. Her management of the crisis was seen as prioritizing ideology over practical outcomes. This pattern continued with her stance on federal immigration enforcement operations and her decision to sue the Trump administration. Her career, marked by ideological loyalty and revolutionary consistency, has been criticized as prioritizing a revolutionary vision over American values.
➡ The text discusses ‘transferismo’, a political strategy that absorbs opposition by including rival leaders in a central governing coalition, often leading to stability but also stalling reform. It also highlights the activities of Karen Bass, a community activist who visited Cuba frequently with a Marxist group, the Venceremos Brigade, which aimed to radicalize American leftists. The text also mentions the M19, a women-led domestic terrorist group that carried out bombings, including one at the US Capitol in 1983. The author expresses concern over these historical events and their potential implications for the present.

Everybody, welcome to the Intel History Channel. My name is Ron Partain and I am going to be doing my reading of the of my current sub stack. So let me know if you guys can hear me, okay? But let’s go ahead and jump in and get started. So this is the red diaper baby who became mayor of Los Angeles. For more than 70 years, California has served as the ideological beachhead for Marxists and globalist collectivist movements within the United States. It was no coincidence that the United States. I’m gonna start over because I just butchered that.

Ah. For more than 70 years, California has served as the ideological beachhead for Marxists and globalist collectivists within the United States. It was no coincidence that the United nations was founded in San Francisco in 1945, a city that would become both symbolic and strategic gateway for revolutionary and internationalist ideas entering American culture and governance. From the radical student uprisings of the 1960s to the quiet institutional capture of America’s courts, schools, labor unions and city halls, the state has been a long been a proving ground for ideas that prioritize centralized authority over individual liberty. Figures like Tom Hayden, Angela Davis, Ron Dellums, Dolores Huerta, Barbara Lee, and more recently Gavin Newsom, Kevin De Leon, Maria Elena Durazzo and Alex Lee have all played their roles in shaping California into a laboratory of post constitutional governance.

Karen Bass is not the first ideological radical to rise in this environment. But she may be the most refined. With a calm tone, institutional polish and decades of revolutionary training, she represents a new breed of American political actor. One who doesn’t shout slogans from the barricades, but administers ideological transformation from within. Her quiet nature may be disarming, but beneath it lies a worldview forged in Marxist doctrine, tested in revolutionary activism and now positioned at the highest levels of civic power in the second largest city in the United States. She is, in short, a quiet revolutionary, no less committed and arguably far more effective.

Karen Bass’s ideological loyalty and revolutionary discipline were not just noticed. They were almost elevated to the highest level of national executive power. In 2020, she was briefly floated as a serious contender to be Joe Biden’s running mate. The idea of a Cuban trained Marxist aligned political figure being a heartbeat away from the presidency shocked some observers. But for those familiar with the system’s priorities, it made perfect sense. However Bass’s radical affiliations, her praise for Fidel Castro, her decades long entrenchment in revolutionary networks and her eulogy for a Communist Party USA official may have been may have made her too risky for optics of national ticket.

But risk is relative to function, and it’s far more likely that the system understood that Bass’s true value would be as mayor of Los Angeles, a media capital, sanctuary city and ideological firewall should a popular president return to power. Bass would not just be in a city would Bass would not just be a city official. She would be a strategic counter force positioned to resist federal authority, reinforce globalist conditions and optimize, excuse me, and operationalize subversion from within one of America’s most influential urban strongholds. Karen Bass was born on October 3, 1953 in Los Angeles, California.

Her formative years were shaped by exposure to far left ideology and revolutionary activism in one of the most politically charged cities in America. She attended Alexander Hamilton High School, where she was immersed in what she later described as political environment shaped by Communist Party members and their children. In a 2008 interview cited in the book Black American Dreams and Racial, Bass recalled, a lot of the Jewish parents were activists and some of them were in the Communist Party. So I grew up with a lot of red diaper babies, a term for children of American Communists during the Cold War period.

While still in her teens, Bass participated in civil rights and anti war campaigns, including volunteering for Robert F. Kennedy’s 1968 presidential campaign. But it was in 1973, at the age of 19, that she embarked on a much more consequential path. That year Bass joined the Vinceramos Brigade, a Communist aligned youth organization created jointly by the Cuban government and members of the Radical Students for a Democratic Society or sds. The purpose of the brigade was not only agricultural labor but also Marxist indoctrination and revolutionary training. Members were selected and vetted by Cuban intelligence and an entry required ideological alignment with Marxist Leninist doctrine.

An undercover U.S. deputy testified before Congress in 1972 that applicants had to undergo multi week indoctrination, complete decades detailed paperwork and demonstrate political reliability to be accepted. Bass was not merely a participant. A 1973 LAPD investigation intelligence document later described her as a leader in the Southern California wing of the Brigade, which was accused of training American recruits in terrorist tactics under the guise of sugarcane harvesting. According to the To to tablet magazine, Bass made at least eight trips to Cuba in the 1970s and remained actively involved in Venceromo’s organ organizing throughout the decade. During these visits she observed and praised Fidel Castro even as the Cuban regime suppressed dissidents and exported Marxist revolutions abroad.

Her affinity for Cuba and its ideologue and its ideology was was not a youthful indiscretion it would endure for decades. Bass’s revolutionary involvement was not limited to foreign travel. Domestically, she became engaged in the Campaign Against Police Abuse, a Los Angeles based organization that accused law enforcement of systematic of systemic brutality. Bass claimed that LAPD officers had broken into her home and and vandalized her car, a story consistent with the revolutionary narrative that American police were instruments of state terror. Her activism during this period increased, aligned with the rhetoric and tactics of the Black Panther Party.

Though she has stopped short of formally claiming membership. By the early 1980s, bass ideology orientation, deep orientation had deepened. She became affiliated with Line of March, a hard line Maoist organization that had splintered from the Communist Party. Founded in Oakland, Line of March emphasized rectification, a term borrowed from Mao Zedong, referring to the re education and ideological purification of political cadres. Members practiced intensive study of Marxist texts and carried out internal purges of deviationist thought. Historian and former Marxist David Horowitz has explained that rectification was akin to ideological brainwashing, reinforcing doctrine purity through collective reinforcement and public critique.

The LAPD’s Public Disorder and Intelligence Division began surveillance of Bass and her network in the early 1980s, noting her ties to known subversive groups. A 1983 expose in the Los Angeles Times revealed that Bass was one of the activists monitored for revolutionary affiliations, foreign contacts and potential threats to public order. This phase of Bass’s life reveals a consistent and intentional pattern. Not a fleeting flirtation with activism, but a substantial engagement with foreign sponsored revolutionary training, domestic militant organizing and Marxist ideology realignment. It is set. Excuse me. It set the template for the rest of her career.

Not as a reformer, but as a tactician in a decades long war against the American system fought through institutions rather than barricades. By the mid-1980s, Bass had shifted her revolutionary strategy from direct confrontation to what Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci termed the war of position, a method of gaining control not by open rebellion, but slowly infiltrating institutions and reshaping society from within. No longer functioning solely on a street level, activist Bass began embedding herself in academia, public health programs and local governance. This strategic pivot would lay the groundwork for her future ascent to political office. After earning a Bachelor’s of Science in Health and Science from the California State University, Dominguez Hills in 19, completing a physician assistant program at the Keck School of Medicine at usc, Bass worked in emergency medicine and health education throughout the 1980s and early 90s.

But while her public resume suggested a conventional career in health services, she was quietly building an organizational platform grounded in neo Marxist ideology. In 1990, Bass founded the Community Coalition for Substance Abuse Prevention and Treatment in South Los Angeles. Though officially described as a nonprofit aiming to reduce drug addiction and improve public health outcomes, the Community Coalition was designed to shift the narrative surrounding drug abuse away from criminality and toward economic and racial justice. This aligned with libert with liberationist theories that viewed law enforcement and punitive justice as instruments of capitalist oppression rather than public safety tools.

As Bass would later put it, the organization sought to shift the policy agenda away from law enforcement toward a public health and economic response. The political character of the Community Coalition became even clearer during the 1992 Los Angeles riots, which followed the acquittal of four LAPD officers in the Rodney King beating. Rather than condemning the looting and arson, Bass framed the violence as a form of justice. She later told the Los Angeles Times that prior to the uprising, activists had been discussing ways to reduce the number of liquor stores in South Central and then, as if by divine intervention, a large chunk of the stores we wanted to close were burned to the ground.

She acknowledged, that’s not the way we wanted it to happen. But the writing accomplished in a few days what we had spent decades working to achieve. This candid admission aligns precisely with the Marxist principle of heightening the contradictions, a tactic in which revolutionary actors allow or even welcome societal breakdown to justify radical transformation. In a 1992 op ed published by the Los Angeles Times, Bass added that rebuilding those businesses would be a tragedy, stating it would be a tragedy, however, to rebuild and replace the very structures that help fuel the rage in South Los Angeles. Her ideological position was clear.

The businesses were not merely physical structures, but symbols of economic oppression that needed to be eliminated. Throughout the 1990s, Bass leveraged the credibility of the Community Coalition to expand her influence among LA’s institutional elite. She joined the Los Angeles School Board, where she pushed for anti policing educational frameworks and racially focused curricula, while opposing school choice programs that offered alternatives to failing public schools. She also became a board member of the progressive Los Angeles Network, an entity guided heavily by the Democratic Socialists of America and other far left policy groups. Bass alliances were confident. Excuse me.

Bass alliances weren’t confined to domestic actors. In 1995, she helped organize a memorial service for Joe Slovo, the late leader of the South African Communist Party and a lifelong Stalinist who supported the USSR’s authoritarian policies during the Cold War. Her participation in the memorial service for a man who openly admired Joseph Stalin and and advocated Marxist Londonist revolution further cemented her Ideological consistency across decades and continents. In 1993, Bass was also a featured speaker at the West Coast Socialist Scholars Conference, a gathering of revolutionary academics, organizers and strategists hosted at ucla. These conferences provided a platform for leftist intellectuals who Maoists, Trotskyists, Trotskyists and ecosocialists to refine revolutionary praxis in the post Cold War world.

All of this activity was consistent with the Gramscian strategy of passive revolution, a slow, deliberate transformation of civil institutions using bureaucratic power, moral rhetoric and mass mobilization as tools of subversion. While outwardly operating within the bounds of law and order, Bass had constructed a formidable ideological apparatus, one that was incubating not only a political class, but a new political reality rooted in Marxist cultural warfare. By the early 2000s, Bass had achieved what few open communists ever could. She had made the revolution boring not by softening its goals, but by changing its packaging. With a network of nonprofit surrogates, school board positions and city level alliances, she had become what Soviet strategists would have called a legal revolutionary, a cadre trained in subversion and executing her mission entirely from within the system.

In 2004, after nearly two decades of operating in Los Angeles as activist and nonprofit spheres, Karen Bass formally transitioned into public office by winning election to the California State assembly representing the 47th district. Her entrance into state government was not a departure from her radical past, but rather a strategic expansion of it. Armed with decades of ideological training, international Marxist connections, and a deeply loyal organizing base, Bass entered Sacramento with the goal of translating movement activism into codified law. Once in office, Bass quickly moved up the ranks. She served as minor as Majority Whip from 2005 to 2006 and Majority Floor Leader from 2007 to 2008.

In 2008, she was elevated to speaker of the California State assembly, becoming the first Black woman in U.S. history to to hold that title in any state legislature. Her legislative career was celebrated by mainstream outlets and the political establishment as a triumph of diversity and representation. But beneath the surface, her ascent represented something far more ideologically significant the institutionalization of radical activism through the levers of state power. Bass legislative record during this time was reflected the same ideological instincts that had guided her work with the Vincennes Brigade and the Community Coalition. She pushed for policies that undermined local autonomy in favor of centralizing bureaucratic control, supported expansive welfare measures without reciprocal work requirements, and aligned herself with education policies hostile to school choice and charter alternatives.

But perhaps the most illuminating insight into Bass political ethic came from a financial arrangement that raised serious ethical concerns between 2008 and 2010 as speaker, Bass’s state assembly campaign committees paid nearly $97,000 to her nonprofit organization, the Community Coalition. In 2010, shortly before she left the assembly, the Community Coalition then paid Bass $70,500 in consulting fees, including $26,500 directly, and her another $44,000 came through a subcontract with a nonprofit consultancy group she had ties to. According to the Los Angeles Times, these funds were paid in exchange for Bass assistance with research, fundraising strategy, and the production of a video commemorating the organization’s 20th anniversary.

Ethics experts raised red flags Kirk Ohansen, senior fellow at Santa Clara University and Marcula center for Applied Ethics, stated plainly, it’s not a good idea to receive substantial income from organizations that are supported by contributions from your campaign fund. It creates an appearance of a conflict of interest that you have converted campaign funds into personal income. While not formally prosecuted, the episode revealed Bass comfort with blurring of public and private and ideological capital, a hallmark of Gramscian strategy in which revolutionary figures used a shell of legitimate governance to nourish ideological networks. In 2010, Bass also attended and spoke at a ribbon cutting ceremony for the Church of Scientology in South Los Angeles.

Her comments were were effusive. This day, this new Church of Scientology, is an exciting moment because your creed is a universal creed, a remarkable credit to your church. Scientology, long criticized for its authoritarian internal controls and cultic practices, was widely viewed, even by secular leftists, as a dangerous and manipulative organization. Bass praise for the church was not based on spiritual alignment but ideological affinity. Both groups advanced programs of behavioral control, group conformity and mass mobilization cloaked in social reform. These activities, financial maneuvering within activist nonprofits, public legitimization of authoritarian cults, and the the pursuit of equity labeled centralization, were not deviations from Bass revolutionary roots.

They were the evolutionary next step in a strategy long in motion, leveraging democratic institutions to forward revolutionary aims without triggering political resistance. When Bass announced her candidacy for US Congress in 2010, she was no longer simply a legislator. She was a seasoned ideological operator with a resume that included Maoist cadres, Cuban intelligence, affiliated travel, and formal ties to groups like the Democratic Socialists of America. Her rise to state level power had shown that radicals no longer needed to shout in the streets. They could now govern, legislate, and redirect the state itself toward revolutionary ends. Karen Bass election to the US House of Representatives in 2010 marked her ascension to national political prominence, representing California’s 33rd district, later redrawn as the 37th Bass entered Congress not as a novice lawmaker, but as a veteran ideologue with decades of revolutionary expertise behind her.

Her move to Washington gave her access to foreign policy and national security and federal appropriations, all platforms from which she from which to extend the influence she had cultivated in Los Angeles’s radical political underworld. Bass quickly joined the Congressional Black Caucus and the Congressional Progressive Caucus, both of which have long standing ties to globalist, socialist and Marxist aligned advocacy advocacy advocacy networks. These groups routinely promote policies that weaken national borders, expand surveillance of domestic dissenters under the guise of equity, and redirect American resources toward global redistributive efforts. True to form, Bass resumed her engagement with Cuba, a country that had been central to her political reformation.

In 2011, she took part in a congressional delegation to Havana accompanied by Democrat strategist Donna Brazile, former Representative Jane Harmon, and Sarah Stevens of the center for Democracy in the Americas, which also funded bass travel. In 2014, she returned to Cuba with a group sponsored by Medical Education Cooperation with Cuba. Then in 2016, she joined President Obama on his historic trip to the island, further signaling her long standing alignment with the Cuban regime. Following the death of Fidel Castro In November of 2016, Bass sparked national controversy by referring to the Cuban dictator as Commandante en Jefe or Commander in Chief.

In a public statement, she described his death as a great loss to the people of Cuba, language that outraged Cuban American communities and anti communist observers. When pressed about the comments during an appearance on Meet the Press, Bass offered a tepid apology stating wouldn’t do that again, while insisting the title was meant as a gesture of respect to Cubans rather than an endorsement of Castro’s dictatorship. Nevertheless, the remark underscored her deeply rooted admiration for the Cuban revolutionaries and its architects. Perhaps even more revealing was her January of 2017 floor speech in the U S House in which she eulogized o’ Neill Cannon, a senior member of the Communist Party USA who had served as its educational director in Southern California and was part of the party’s national leadership.

Bass praised Cannon as her friend and mentor, crediting him with having supported her own work as a community organizer early in her life and saluting his century of fighting to make the world a better place. This public tribute to a high ranking CPUSA figure from the floor of Congress was not just unprecedented, it was a watershed moment, revealing how the normalized Marxist ties had become in the modern Democratic Party. In addition to her well documented foreign policy positions and revolutionary sympathies, one of the most strategically important but widely overlooked elements of Karen Bass congressional career was her involvement with the National Endowment for Democracy or ned.

While not always publicly described as a formal board position b Bass served in a high level leadership advisory capacity connected to ned’s domestic partnership ecosystem. She interfaced with its civil society steering operations and appeared as an international democracy building initiatives under its umbrella, placing her squarely within a transnational apparatus that operated at the intersection of the United States State Department, USAID and the CIA. Founded in 1983 during the Reagan administration, the NED was created to overthrow, excuse me, to overtly under the banner of promoting democracy what the CIA had previously done covertly engineer political outcomes, fund opposition movements and reshape governments that resisted alignment with globalist interests.

It had funded operations in over 100 countries and is widely known for its involvement in color revolutions, soft coups and electoral interventions in places like Ukraine, Venezuela, Hong Kong, Belarus and Tunisia. Critics and whistleblowers have long described NED as a plausible deniability affront for US Intelligence and foreign policy operations, its tools of choice being civil society weaponized through NGOs, academia and media networks. At first glance, Bass deep ties to Marxist regimes like Cuba and her long standing revolutionary worldview might appear incompatible with an institution like ned. But this contradiction disappears when one understands how NED truly functions.

It does not promote constitutional democracy or American sovereignty. It promotes ideological realignment and it often enlists radical activists, nonprofit strategists and post national operatives to carry out that mission both abroad and at home. Karen Bass, with her fusion of militant discipline, polished legitimacy and strategic adaptability, was a perfect tool for that purpose. Her association with NED is not incidental. It is a direct through line to her placement as mayor of Los Angeles. The NED is not limited to foreign operations. It also funds US based civil society organizations, many of which operate under the same euphemisms equity, inclusion, civic participation that Bash championed throughout her career.

These groups were instrumental in shaping Los Angeles’s activist landscape and by extension, paving Bass path to executive power. To overlook Bass NED connection is to miss the mechanism behind her rise. She was not simply elected. She was positioned, prepared and backed by the same elite machinery that destabilizes former foreign governments abroad. In Bass, the NED did not merely find an ally, they found an instrument for executing the same model inside America’s borders. Bass’s pattern of praising extremist organizations extended to Scientology as well. In 2010, she again participated in a ribbon cutting for the L for South LA Scientology center, declaring the Church of Scientology I know has made a difference because your creed is a universal creed that speaks to all people everywhere.

She read favorably from L. Ron Hubbard’s Creed of the Church of Scientology and later submitted written praise to another branch in South Los Angeles for its humanitarian initiatives and social betterment programs. On the policy front, Bass’s congressional voting record was staunchly leftist. She consistently voted against welfare work requirements, against school voucher programs like the D.C. opportunity Scholarship, and against limits on EPA regulatory authority. She also supported the Obama administration’s nuclear deal with Iran and in protest of that agreement’s critics, boycotted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s 2015 address to Congress, framing his objections to the deal as political theater.

Notably, she also implied that Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas was not an authentic black voice. Following the death of Justice Antonin Scalia in 2016, Bass said the next appointee should be African American, stating we don’t really need to go into Clarence Thomas’s background, but to have an African American voice that has definitely not been there since Thurgood Marshall would really be an incredible contribution to our country. Country. The 2000 and tens also saw her deepen her ties to international civic society groups, working with transnational NGOs and pro socialist advocacy organizations. Her name became frequently listed in Democratic Socialists of America adjacent publications and she received endorsements from labor unions and radical justice organizations that trace their origins to the New Left and Black liberation movements.

This period in Bass’s career cemented the through line from her then ceremonials training in Cuba to Maoist organizing in the 1980s, the nonprofit subversion in the 1990s and finally to the national office. Karen Bass was never transformed by public service. She transformed public service into a vehicle for revolution. Karen Bass announced her candidacy for Mayor of Los Angeles in September of 2021, stating that homelessness was a public health, safety and economic crisis evolved into a humanitarian emergency and promoting excuse me and promising to bring together coalitions to solve it. On the surface, her message echoed the traditional language of liberal reform.

In reality, her campaign was the culmination of a lifelong ideological journey, a decades long strategy to gain executive power not to reform the city but to re engineer it under the framework of revolutionary social theory. She was elected in November of 2022, defeating billionaire developer Rick Caruso despite his record breaking campaign spending. Her victory marked not just the ascent of the first female black mayor in Los Angeles, but the arrival of a seasoned revolutionary, trained and Maoist rectification, Cuban internationalism and a Marxist nonprofit power building into one of the most influential executive offices in the United States.

Upon taking office, Bass immediately declared a state of emergency on homelessness, granting herself expanded authority to redirect budgets, override zoning and fast track housing decisions. Her administration claimed to have housed over 21,000 individuals in interim accommodations by the end of 2023. However, the long term efficacy of these placements remained unclear, with many policies focusing on temporary shelter over structural rehabilitation or law enforcement. In 2023, Bass administration faced widespread criticism after it was revealed that she int extended to lower admission standards for the Los Angeles Police Academy or lower admission standards for the Los Angeles Police Department.

This included reducing physical fitness benchmarks and academic expectations in a stated effort to diversify the force and remove barriers for underrepresented underrepresented applicants. Critics argued this would result in under qualifying officers and greater public risk. Tom Sagao, spokesman for the Los Angeles Police Protective League, called the move a recipe for disaster and warned of the dangers of hiring recruits who can’t score minimum requirements for a physical fitness test. At the same time, Bass pushed to purge LAPD officers who had been associated directly or indirectly with with what her office described as right wing extreme organizations. No clear definitions were provided, leaving many concerned that with such standards could be used for ideological cleansing within the police department.

These efforts reflect the Maoist and Gramscian concept of revolutionary discipline in which public institutions are not only restructured but politically purified. In mid 2000 to 2025, Bass faced the national controversy when federal immigration agents conducted raids across Los Angeles in the area targeting violent criminal illegal aliens and repeat immigration offenders. Protesters erupted in what media outlets described as pro immigrant demonstrations, but which quickly devolved into violent riots. Cars were set on fire, federal agents were attacked with rocks and flaming projects or projectiles, and parts of the city were shutting down. Instead of supporting public safety efforts for or condemning the violence, Bass sided with the rioters.

She issued a public statement blaming federal enforcement actions for creating terror in our communities, calling the immigration raids chaotic escalation, and vowed that Los Angeles would remain a city of immigrants that stands with everyone who calls our city home, regardless of immigration status or legal record. President Donald Trump responded by deploying the California National Guard, marking it the first time since 1960s that federal troops had been sent into California without a formal request from the state or local officials. Initially, Bass denied the guards presence, claiming on social media that they had not been deployed. After images in the media reports confirmed the opposite, she reversed course and criticized Trump, accusing him of inflaming tensions and endangering public trust.

Behind the scenes, another controversy was unfolding. In 2023, reports began to surface that Bass’s transitional director and political appointee Adam Ma had significant family ties to the Chinese Communist Party United Front Work Department, or ufwd, an organization identified by Intelligence as an arm of Beijing’s foreign influence espionage efforts. Ma’s father, Ma Sharong, was not only a major donor to California Democratic campaigns but also an official representative of multiple UFWD agencies, including the All China Federation of Returned Overseas Chinese and China Overseas Friendship Association. Photos from 2022 and 23 show Bass attending age, attending events with Ma family, riding in city vehicles with Adam Ma during parades, and publicly honoring him at celebrations.

In one such event, Bass’s office presented an official framed award to the Ma Family Organization in front of known Chinese consular figures and UFWD operatives. By 2024, Ma was serving as Mayor Bass liaison to both Asian American communities and LGBTQ constituents, receiving a city salary exceeding $129,500. China expert Gordon Chang stated in June of 2025 that there is a high probability that wittingly or unwittingly, Karen Bass is implementing Chinese Communist plans to take down our country, citing the his citing the deep penetration of CCP linked actors into her political inner circle. In early 2025, as Los Angeles faced one of the worst fire risks in recent memory, Mayor Karen Bass was absent.

Despite the red flag warnings and elevated National Service National Weather Service alerts, Bass chose to leave the city to attend the presidential inauguration of John Dramani Mahamadou in Ghana. Mahama, a globalist aligned leader and former Socialist vice president, had recently returned to power under the National Democratic Congress, or ndc, a Pan Africanist redistributionist party with deep ideological ties to China, the United nations and post Marxist development frameworks. Rather than remain in Los Angeles to oversee emergency response efforts at the Palisades fire escalated, Bass opted to appear on the world stage besides a fellow leftist head of state, leaving her own constituency behind in a moment of crisis.

Her absence was not symbolic, it was consequential. As the fire spread rapidly, displacing residents and overwhelming response teams, Bass returned to Los Angeles via military transport and offered only vague public comments. It was later revealed that the city’s $1 million crisis response team, specifically designed for situations like this, had remained inactive despite being staffed despite staff being available and prepared. The delay in deployment drew significant backlash and led to the eventual removal of Fire Chief Christian Crowley, who had reportedly clashed with Bass office over budget cuts and politically motivated restructuring of fire department resources. Bass management of the fires, characterized by ideological loyalty abroad and administrative failure at home, further cemented the growing perception that she governs not for practical outcomes, but to advance a revolutionary vision rooted in international solidarity and centralized control.

This pattern, abandoning local duty in favor of ideological alignments abroad, would repeat itself just a few months later when Bass again prioritized narrative over responsibility during the federal immigration enforcement operations that sparked violent unrest across the city. Rather than support public safety or federal cooperation, she chose instead to cast law enforcement as the aggressor and further entrench Los Angeles as a sanctuary for revolutionary assistance under the banner of equity. Then, in July 2025, Bass took the unprecedented step of announcing that the city of Los Angeles would sue the Trump administration, demanding an immediate injunction against any further ICE raids within city limits.

At a press conference, she declared, they the agents need to leave and they need to leave right now. We will stand with Angelenos regardless of what country they came from, when they get here or why they’re here. Her rhetoric, defiant of federal law enforcement and repeated coordination with transnational radical figures, echoed not the behavior of a city administrator, but that of an ideological revolutionary. Finally commending the tools of executive power, Karen Bass had completed the long march from Maois cadre to mayor, from Cuban sugarcane fields to the helm of America’s second largest city. By mid-2025, the Ideological act of Karen Bass political life stood fully revealed.

From her indoctrination in Cuban Marxism and Maoist rectification circles to her domination of Los Angeles municipal machinery, Bass had completed what communist theorists once called the long march through the institutions. But unlike the violent revolutionaries of the past, her strategy never relied on gunfire. It relied on normalization. Over five decades, she successfully embedded a subversive ideology into education, healthcare activism, lawmaking and executive government camouflaged in the language of justice, reform and representation. Bass career is not a study in contradictions. It is a model of revolutionary consistency. Every phase reinforced the next. Her training in the Vinceremo brigade introduced her to ideological loyalty and foreign aligned activism.

Her leadership in the campaign against police abuse and affiliation with the line of March reinforced a worldview that framed America as systemically oppressive and in need of destruction, not reform. Her community coalition became the delivery system for Marxist public policy masked as compassionate nonprofit work. Her time as speaker of the House in California assembly showed how subversive ideology could be administered through official budgets and community appointments. And her move to Congress provided the platform to support communist figures like o’ Neill Cannon, praise totalitarians like Fidel Castro and whitewash Islamicist and cultic organizations like CARE or C A I R and Scientology, all while voting against education reform, welfare, responsibility and public security.

Finally, as mayor of Los Angeles, Bass reoriented the city’s power structure toward a fully globalist, anti sovereign posture. She elevated figures tied to the Chinese Communist Party, refused to cooperate with federal law enforcement during violent riots, and redirected immigrant immigration policy through local executive defiance. Her actions reflect not a deviation from American values, but an intentional replacement of them. Bass’s worldview was never about expanding freedom. It was about redefining freedom to a submission, or, excuse me, redefining freedom as submission to state ideology. In that sense, she is the archetype of the modern American revolutionary, Fluent in bureaucracy, fluent in identity politics, fluent in narrative warfare, and wholly committed to dismantling the constitutional order under the pretense of healing it.

In classical Marxist terms, her model of governance is called transformismo. Absorbing legitimate grievances, homeless, policing, racism, inequality, into a revolutionary framework that offers only one solution. Expanded control by ideological states, by. By the ideological state. As America wrestles with the consequences of ideological capture in his. In its cities, schools, and courts. Karen Bass’s career is not just a cautionary tale, it is a blueprint. Her entire life’s work, revolutionary training, Mao’s discipline, nonprofit building empire, congressional maneuvering, and globalist affiliations has led to this exact moment in time, which she’s not simply elected to manage the city. She was positioned, prepared, and empowered to ignite ideological resistance, obstruct federal authority, and maneuver narrative and manufacture narrative chaos when it matters most.

She is not the product of coincidence. She is the product of strategy. And now she sits exactly where she always wanted or she always meant to be, at the trigger point of a controlled domestic destabilization. What makes Karen Bass particularly dangerous is that she does not appear dangerous. She is soft spoken, calculated, and culturally fluent. She does not rant. She does not threaten. She simply governs as if the revolution has already won. And in Los Angeles, under her tenure, it arguably has. Oh, man, that’s. That’s a crazy, crazy story. And I just want to kind of go back up here and address a few things.

There was a. This is a picture that she did with. You know, these are. These are the two, obviously probably the two finalists for Joe Biden’s vice presidential nominee. And then this. This was a. I. I didn’t read these quotes because I’m gonna. I’m gonna pull out the. The audio portion so that I can make this like a reading. Like an audiobook type thing. But in. In the white left, I played a huge. It played a huge role for me in Hamilton High School. For example. And a lot of the Jewish parents were activists and some of them in the Communist party.

And so I grew up with a lot of red diaper babies. And that was where some of the African Americans parents who were in the Communist party they, there were teachers who were in the Communist party. So white radicals were very, very influential. And at the same time you had the Panthers and the whole black movement. So she’s essentially acknowledging that, I mean her, her, her foundation was at a very young age was definitely influenced by, by the Communist Party. And Hamilton High School, if I understand it correctly, was in like, kind of like West Los Angeles.

And if you guys aren’t familiar with that, West Los Angeles is generally where a lot of the, A lot of the, the like the movie studios and things are that. A lot of that stuff is in what is in the western part between downtown and the ocean. This was a picture of her. I. This is probably in Los Angeles someplace. Let’s see. And then this was a, this was really interesting. In 1983 the Capitol was bombed and she was the ringleader. Well, you know what else is interesting is, is the bombing was carried out by a left wing group called the M19.

The M19 was radicalized by the South Los Angeles Vincermos Brigade. The South Los Angeles Vinceromos Brigade was founded by Communist Democrat Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass. And these. I saw a really interesting thing about that. It was, it’s crazy how they. In fact I’ll find that and play it here in a minute. In 1984. See here was it. Let me get down here. This was when she was sworn in as speaker of the House in California. And this is assemblyman or assembly woman Karen Bass, Los Angeles, second from right, being sworn in by her predecessor. Some women.

Fabian Nunez of Los Angeles, left as governor Arnold Schwarzenegger applauds during ceremonies as the. As the capital in Sacramento. Second from left is Bass’s stepdaughter who ironically is holding the Bible of all things used in swearing her in the. The communist who’s a Christian. Okay, let me see here. If there was anything else I wanted to. Yeah, this is the picture of her as the vice chairman of the National Endowment of Democracy. And then this is when someone spends decades training with revolutionaries embedded in soft power institutions and rises to executive power at a flashpoint moment.

You don’t need to see the match in her hand to know why the fire started. That was a very apropos quote. I don’t remember who said it though. And I gotta go find that. And then the last thing I think I wanted to highlight here was the part of the transferismo. This is more of an in depth definition of a transferismo. It’s a political strategy that absorbs opposition by bringing rival leaders into a centrist governing coalition, often through deals, favors and patronage. This approach blurs ideological divisions and promotes stability by a by avoiding open conflict or polarization.

However, it frequently stalls meaningful reform and entrenches elite power by neutralizing genuine opposition. And that was very, a very, very important, very important thing to highlight there and hear me for a second here because I want to find this, this thing on is a bitchute link. Here you go. Okay. Here, I’m going to share this tab instead and hit play. November 7th, 1983. Remember this date. But first, let me introduce you to Karen Bass. Back in the 1970s, community activists Karen Bass went on at least 15 trips to Cuba, many with a group known as the Venos Brigade, a Marxist group started by the Castro regime to subvert American interests, weaken democracies and spread communism around the world.

Founded in 1969, the Venceremos Brigade organized trips to Cuba every year for half a century. They attracted the most radicalized and delusional segments of the American left, including overtly Maoist and pro Soviet communist groups. In fact, a Los Angeles police investigator who infiltrated the group testified to Congress saying that to be a member of the brigade, you had to be confirmed as a Marxist Leninist, as a brigadista, and then moving up the ranks to organizer for the Venceremos Brigade. Karen Bass visited Cuba every six months. Their mission, to radicalize young, impressionable American leftists in terrorist tactics and guerrilla warfare.

Members of the Venceremos Brigade were even taught how to make bombs. Jesus Christ. Karen Bass admits on her many pilgrimages to Cuba, she went to see Fidel Castro speak several times, even calling him charismatic and upon his death, praised him, saying the passing of Commandant and Jefe is a great loss to the people of Cuba, even though the people of Cuba see him as a dictator who impoverished their island. Another group, the M19, took its belief in revolutionary anti imperialism to extremes. Violent extremes. The M19 was the first and only women created and women led domestic terrorist group since their founding in 1978.

M19’s tactics escalated from robbing armored trucks and abetting prison breaks to building their own explosives and carrying out terrorist bombings. From 1983 to 1984, M19 bombed an FBI office, the Israel Aircraft Industries building, the South African consulate In New York, DC’s Fort McNair and Navy Yard, which they bombed twice. But that wasn’t enough for them. On the night of November 7, 1983, the M19 called the US Capitol Switchboard and warned them to evacuate the building. Minutes later, the M19 bombed the north wing of the US Capitol. November 7, 2023 marks 40 years since the M19’s bombing of the US Capitol.

Members of the M19, like Susan Rosenberg, traveled to Cuba with and were radicalized by the Bence Ramos Brigade. The South Los Angeles Bence Ramos Brigade was led by Karen Bass, who is now mayor of Los Angeles. Yeah, so do you have any idea the lack of research that was done? Hold on a second. So, yeah, so that’s some crazy, crazy stuff that happened there. You know, I don’t even know, really. I don’t even have the words, honestly. That’s just. That’s just kind of nuts. So anyway, my jaw was dropping when I was putting that together, and I just thought, wow.

I, you know, I decided to kind of put it out today or put it out this past weekend. But I’ve got. I’ve been working on several different pieces and this kind of was a little bit of a rabbit hole that I went down. But I was, I was actually quite surprised and if I’m being honest, quite concerned, actually. I mean, hearing that stuff, it instilled a level of unthinkable, was kind of look unnerving, if you will. So now we’ll see if anything comes of it. But I don’t think it was an accident that she was put in place right in Los Angeles for this moment in time.

So. But we’ll see. I don’t know. I don’t know. You know, again, I don’t know what. I don’t know. But when you know, when you add, when you, when you have all those dots in front of you, it doesn’t appear to be that difficult from, to connect them, if that makes any sense. So with that said, guys, that is all I have for tonight. For a couple you guys in the chat who asked, Mike asked to take a break until the end of the summer until after Labor Day. So there will not be any Tuesday with Mike’s until after Labor Day.

Anyway. That is, that’s all I know. I can’t, you know, he, he’s got to agree to come on. So I can’t, I can’t go to New Jersey and say, hey, get on my show. So anyway, we will, we will see. But, but I’m, you know, I’m. I’m hoping that they continue. But, you know, if they don’t, they don’t, you know, I mean, I, what am I gonna do? I just, you know, it’s just gotta put my head down and elbows up and keep on trucking. So keep your heads up out there, guys. It’s, it’s. I know this kind of is depressing news or whatever, you know, but it’s, it’s.

I think it’s revelatory as to a lot of things that are going on within the government and a lot of people on the left and how they believe. It’s, it’s, it’s indicative and, you know, I’ll just, I’ll end with this. Many of you may or may not know, but in 1980, 1980, if you go back and you look at the, like the presidential maps or, I mean, how many of you guys remember the term true blue Republican or Blue dog Democrat? I’m sure quite a bit. Quite, quite many of you do. If you’re older than I am, you’ll remember those, those terms.

That’s because the Democrat color was blue and, or, excuse me, the Democrat color was red and the Republican color was blue up until about 1984. And then they begin to transition and swapping the colors because red is a color that is closely affiliated with communism. Red, red, China, the, you know, the Soviet Union was red. Everything is red. So very interesting little tidbit of information there. So anyway, guys, I, I don’t want to say I hope you enjoyed this, but I hope you at least got something from it. So appreciate you all. Thanks for tuning in and I will see you all next time.

Have a good night, everybody.
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