Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms With Carrington MacDuffie

➡ Ron Partain, host of the Untold History Channel, welcomes guest Carrington McDuffie, a recording artist, music video producer, and podcast host. Carrington shares her journey of launching a podcast to help people claim their freedom in a system designed to enslave them. Ron reminisces about his time in the Navy and his visit to the USS New Jersey. Carrington directs listeners to her website and YouTube channel for her work. The conversation ends with Carrington preparing to read a document about the necessity of taking up arms.
➡ The text discusses the historical figures, John Dickinson and Thomas Jefferson, who were both founding fathers. Dickinson, often misunderstood, wanted separation from England without violence. The document they worked on, which was drafted by Jefferson and edited by Dickinson, was written almost a year before the Declaration of Independence. It was a declaration by the representatives of the united colonies of North America, explaining their reasons for taking up arms against Great Britain, due to the oppressive measures and unjustifiable power the British Parliament was exercising over them.
➡ The American colonies, upset by unfair treatment from the British, tried peaceful methods to resolve issues but were ignored. The British continued to enforce harsh laws and even used violence, leading to the start of hostilities. The colonies, valuing their freedom and justice, decided to resist rather than submit to tyranny. They assure their fellow subjects that they don’t want to break the union with Britain, but they are forced to defend their rights and freedom.
➡ The text discusses the historical context of the American Revolution, focusing on the reasons behind the conflict, such as British imposition on the American colonists after the French and Indian War, taxation without representation, and the Stamp Act. It also highlights the importance of firearms during this period, not only for self-defense against the government but also for survival. The text draws parallels between these historical events and current issues, emphasizing the ongoing relevance of these past struggles.
➡ The text discusses the founding fathers’ determination and unity in their fight for liberty against Britain. It highlights their youth, intelligence, and the serious thought they put into their actions. The text also emphasizes the importance of education during that time and how it equipped them for their roles. Lastly, it suggests that the fight for liberty continues today, drawing parallels with modern issues.
➡ The speaker discusses the importance of understanding and connecting with our historical roots, particularly the principles of liberty, dignity, and self-determination that underpin the American Constitution. They express concern about the fear many people have of the government, suggesting this indicates a shift away from the ideal of the government serving the people. The speaker also mentions the ongoing struggles for these principles, comparing them to the battles fought during the American Revolution. They conclude by encouraging regular discussions to reinvigorate these principles and inspire confidence in people’s lives.

To the Untold History Channel. My name is Ron Partain. Apologize for being tardy. We were having some technical difficulties that we were trying to work out, and I think I may have resolved the issue. But in any event, we are here now. All is well. And I want to welcome Carrington McDuffie. She is. Well, you, you give your. Carrington, give your, your, your bio. Okay. And why I’m here or a little bit about you. So. Sure. Well, I have a podcast as well, and that’s how we connected, really. I’m a recording artist with a lot of records out.

I’m a music video producer and a musician, songwriter, singer, songwriter. But I got into. I launched a podcast about a year ago just because I wanted to see if I could help out in these crazy times by talking to people who know what they’re talking about on the subject of claiming your freedom in a system designed to enslave you. So I run that podcast on my YouTube channel, and it’s called Starseeds of Freedom is the podcast. That’s what I’m doing here. And Ron, you and I have been talking about a number of different things. I consider myself a patriot in a really broad sense as well as a specific sense.

And that’s, that’s a whole subject. And I, I have this flag with me today because of what we’re going to be, what we’re going to be talking about. Nice. I, I in. That’s very nice. Very nice. The, the Betsy Ross flag. I’ve, I’ve actually, I guess we went to, to Betsy Ross’s house. When I went to Philadelphia. I went to Philadelphia back in. I guess it was like 2007ish time frame. And the, Because I was, I served on the USS New Jersey, and it was a, it was, it’s a museum now right across the river from Philadelphia in Camden, New Jersey.

So you just have to cross the bridge and get into New Jersey, but you can see it from Philadelphia. And so when I, when I, when I first got there, it was, it was kind of cool because my name was. My locker was still there and my name was still stenciled on my locker. That’s cool. I went back again in like 2011, and the lockers had been torn out, and I was bummed. Yeah. And I was like, damn, if I’d have known that they were going to tear the lockers out, I would, I would have said, hey, let me have my locker.

You know what? Yeah, right. I went to school, I went to boarding school in Massachusetts and I went back Many, many, many years later. And I looked in the dorm where I had lived. I went to this all boys school. I was there the first year that they had girls and, and I checked in the dorm, in the room, the first room that I’d had and my name was still scratched on the, the switch plate of the light switch. So. I know what you mean. It’s very gratifying to see that. Well, there is one thing there that is very gratifying.

They, in the Navy you have what they call a rate. Your, your job in, I think in, in the other branches it’s called mos. Military occupational service. In the Navy they call it your rate, at least at the enlisted level. And my rate was ag, which is aerographers mate, which means weather. And every, every rate has its own symbol. What I did was I carved the symbol on a ship. You have what’s called non skid. It’s like almost like a, a reverse sandpaper that you have to put on there because you know, you’re on a ship and you’re at the, in the middle of the ocean, you know, you’re always going to be encountering water.

So in order, in order to prevent slipping going from passageway to passageway at the, at the beginning of every passageway, you have to have non skid both at the front part and the, and you know, and the entrance and the exit or, or through the passageway. Well, I took the non skid and I, I redid it and I, I carved out the, the ag symbol on, you know, in the, into the non skid and I put it on the deck. And when I went back, that’s still there to this day. That’s great. And the guys, the guys at the, at the, at the ship said, hey, this is, yeah, we, we.

You did this? And I said, yeah, I did that. And I was like, wow, that’s really cool. It’s like we use this for like scavenger hunts for like when kids come to, like when kids come to like tour the ship or whatever, like school, school trips, they, they use that as a, like they give them a list of things that they got to go find, you know. And yeah, that was. I, I, when I heard that, I was like, that’s kind of cool. Something I did when I was like 21 years old and who knew all these years later.

So yeah, that’s great. So, but enough of that, you know. Well, where can people find you? Best place is my website, which is carringtonmacduffy.com and from there you can navigate to social media. Most particularly my YouTube channel. That’s where I do most of my work because, I mean, there’s all the social media, but I like. I produce a lot of music videos and so they’re all on YouTube. The just car at Carrington McDuffie. The. I have a. A rumble channel also where I post my podcast and especially episodes of it that I. That will just get banned or, you know, checked Against Me on YouTube.

So I, you know, so I have a. A rumble channel also. Yeah, right. I. I’ve made. I’ve managed to skate around a lot. I’m. I’m not sure why, and. And some things I just don’t post on there at all, you know, or I’ll post a different version. Hold on one second. Hold on one second. Sorry. The. We. There was a. There’s a. There’s a feral cat that we caught that’s in heat and got in the house and was trying to mate and so anyway, that was. That was a. That was a fun endeavor today to try to catch and I.

It literally took me like a fishing net and a towel and all kinds. It was a lot of fun. You’re keeping busy. So trying. We have to do something while we’re here, you know, but. And I. I kind of. Yeah, exactly. Right. Well, I try. I have, you know, everybody knows me. I’ve got. I’ve got like five cats and they’re pretty much all Bengals. And I, I love them. I love the Bengal cats. And they’re. They’re. They’re gorgeous. They won’t be joining us tonight? No. Okay. What’s that? I. I’ve seen them. I mean, they’re beautiful tonight.

Not. Not in here because they. I don’t have my studio completely done yet, so it’s. I’m close. I’m getting really, really close with each passing day. I’m getting closer, but it’s just. I’m. I. As I’m doing it. Maybe I’m too much of. Of a perfectionist. I don’t know. But I just. I want things to be 100. Right. And that’s. So. Yeah. Yeah, I’m a fractionist, but it’s okay. When. And when. When it’s all done, it’s going to look really, really nice. I’m. I’m. I’m. I’m really looking forward to. To getting that done. But. But anyway, that’s not why we’re here today.

We are here because somebody actually shared with me. I’ve known Carrington for how long have we known each other? For about a Good. Six, eight months now. Yeah. We met as a result of. I think it was Jim Willie that connected us. I think. Yes, that’s right. Yeah. Yeah. Jim Willie was one who connects us and we, you know, we were talking and talking XRP and a bunch of other stuff, so. But then it was really interesting. Somebody in. I belong to a group chat and they’re like, oh, yeah, Karen. Listening to carrying Carrington McDuffie read the, the, you know, the Declaration of Use of, of.

Of taking up arms and like, what? Carrying them to Carrington McDuffie. What. So that was. I reached out to you almost instant, instantly, and I’m like, hey, I said, that’s a great idea. Let’s do that on my show. Let’s do that on my channel. So. So here we are. And it’s a great document. It’s a great document. I have it and I’ll tell you the truth, I didn’t read it yet. And I didn’t read it yet because I wanted to hear you read it. And so with that said, let’s bring it up. Yeah, this is. So this is the causes and necessity.

Go ahead. I was just going to say it’s a document not very many people are familiar with. And so it’s, it’s worth reading and it’s really relevant today. Even though it was about taking up arms against the British, it’s really relevant today. So I think it’s a really exciting document. That’s all. I just wanted to. I agree. So is that big enough or do you want me to. Yeah, actually, I have. I have some paper here I’m going to read off of and that’ll do. That’ll work well for me. And I wanted to say, well, I’m gonna make it big enough for my audience.

So they’re not struggling either, for sure. Yeah. Let’s not make anyone struggle any more than already struggling. But let’s talk for a second about Dickinson and Jefferson. Obviously, these are both founding fathers. If anybody’s ever seen the. The. The show, John Adams, episode two, when they were debating whether or not they were going to, you know, declare independence from England. The. The. The leader of the opposition of was. Was John Dickinson. And it, it portrayed him as from Philadelphia, but he was actually from Delaware and he was opposed to war. But he wasn’t necessarily. It was.

It was. He was a. He wanted. In reality, what he wanted is. He wanted separation, but he didn’t want to do it with bloodshed. And, and that was. That was kind of the, the. I think the, The John Adams miniseries did not do him any favors. It made him look like a weak, pestilent man. And from what I’ve understood from. From what I’ve read about him after the fact, I think that was a very. That. That was. That was. It really did him a disservice because he was. He was a true patriot, no different than Thomas Jefferson, just lesser known.

And. And a lot of. A lot of people was very well known around the world at the time as a. As a fantastic author. And. And, you know, a lot of the things that he wrote were written by millions of people. So. So this is a. And this is a document, ironically, that was written almost a year before the Declaration of Independence. Right. Almost a year to the day. It was originally. Thomas Jefferson drafted it. Originally. Yep. Thomas, you know. You know, just two. Two. Two days. Two days shy of a full year. Yeah. So anyway, Thomas, I will let you go ahead.

And I’m like. You start. Okay. Well, I just want to say Thomas Jefferson originally drafted it. John Dickinson was the. He did the final draft or edit of Thomas Jefferson’s version. And one of the reasons. I also wanted to say one of the reasons this document is exciting to me is that it was actually printed by my ancestors, the William Bradford who came over to England, over from England in, I think, 1685 with William Penn. He got a seat on the ship welcome with William Penn, and came to Philadelphia. Or. Well, Philadelphia wasn’t really there yet with William Penn.

His grandson, William Bradford, was a colonel in the Revolution, and he and his son Thomas printed this document for the Continental Congress. So I just really relate to it in a familial way. So I wanted to mention that. And also it’s fun to read it because I have a profession as a narrator, an audiobook narrator, and it’s really fun to read language like this. Nobody writes like this now, right? This is awesome. So the title and their titles were always really long. A declaration by the representatives of the united colonies of North America now met in general Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms.

If it was possible for men who exercise their reason to believe that the divine author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in and an unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom as the objects of a legal domination, never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the Parliament of Great Britain some evidence that this dreadful authority over them has been granted to that body but a reverence for our great creator, principles of humanity and the dictates of common sense.

There we are. There’s Thomas Paine. Must convince all those who reflect upon the subject that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of great Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom and desperate of success in any mode of contest where regard should be had to truth, law or right, have at length deserting those attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence.

And have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. So that’s the setup, right? They did a lot of run on sentences. I love these sentences, but they’re really. They’re all balanced. They’re all perfectly balanced. They’re long, but they’re perfectly balanced. Yet however blinded that assembly may be by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination. So to slight justice in the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of the world. To make known the justice of our cause. Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of great Britain, Left their native land to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious freedom.

At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they removed. By unceasing labor and an unconquerable spirit, they affected settlements. In the distant and inhospitable wilds of America, Then filled with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. Societies or governments vested with perfect legislatures Were formed under charters from the crown. And an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength and navigation of the realm Arose from this source.

And the minister who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of great Britain in the late war Publicly declared that these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his councils. From that fatal moment, the affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion. And gradually sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, Are at length distracted by the convulsions that now shake it to its deepest foundations. The new ministry, finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace and of then subduing her faithful friends.

These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state as to present victories without bloodshed and all the easy emoluments of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behavior from the beginning of colonization. Their dutiful, zealous and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honorable manner by his majesty, by the late king and by Parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt. The pernicious project and, assuming a new power over them, have in the course of 11 years given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it.

They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent. Sound familiar? Though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property, statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice admiralty beyond their ancient limits. For depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury in cases affecting both life and property. For suspending the legislature of one of the colonies for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another and for altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter and secured by acts of its own legislature, solemnly confirmed by the crown.

For exempting the murderers of colonists from legal trial and an effect from punishment for erecting in a neighboring province, acquired by the joint arms of great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence. And for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament that colonists charged with committing certain offenses shall be transported to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail by one statute? It is declared that Parliament can of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever. What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it is chosen by us or is subject to our control or influence.

But, on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws. And an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for 10 years, incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne. As supplicants, we reasoned, we remonstrated with Parliament in the most mild and decent language. But administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures as free men ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them.

The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true, but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A congress of delegates from the united colonies was assembled at Philadelphia. On the fifth day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the king and also addressed our fellow subjects of Great Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure. We have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow subjects as the last peaceable admonition that our attachment to no nation upon earth should supplant our attachment to.

To liberty. That’s just such a powerful statement. This, we flattered ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy. But subsequent events have shown how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies. Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his majesty’s speech. Our petition, though we were told it was a decent one and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously and to promise laying it before his Parliament, was huddled into both houses amongst a bundle of American papers and there neglected. The lords and commons, in their address in the month of February, said that, quote, a rebellion at that time actually existed within the province of Massachusetts Bay and that those concerned in it had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements entered into by his majesty’s subjects in several of the other colonies, and therefore they besought his Majesty that he would take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature.

Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies with foreign countries and with each other was cut off by an act of parliament by another. Several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts on which they always depended for their sustenance. And large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to General Gage. That would be the British general. Right. In the colonies at that time. Yeah. Gage was like Eisenhower for the. For the. For the British in the United States or in the. In the. He was like the overall commander.

Yeah. Of the British in. In the colonies. In the colonies. He’s the big kahuna. Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and commoners who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor. Parliament adopted an insidious maneuver calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives, and thus to extort from us at the point of the bayonet the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible, to gratify ministerial rapacity with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising in our own mode the prescribed tribute.

What terms, more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies, and our circumstances to accept them would be to deserve them. Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent, General gage, who in the course of the last year had taken possession of the town of Boston in the province of Massachusetts bay and still occupied it as a Garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants and wounded many others.

From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities thus commenced by the British troops have been since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. So there you have the shot heard around the world. Right. The inhabitants of Boston, being confined within that town by the general, their governor, and having, in order to procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said inhabitants, having deposited their arms with their own magistrates, should have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects.

They accordingly delivered up their arms. But in open violation of honor, in defiance of the obligation of treaties which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid that they might be preserved for their owners to be seized by a. Okay, let me say that again. The governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid that they might be preserved for their owners to be seized by a body of soldiers, detained the greatest part of the inhabitants of the town and compelled the few who were permitted to retire to leave their most valuable effects behind.

By this perfidy, wives are separated from their husbands, children from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations, and friends who wish to attend and comfort them, and those who have been used to live in plenty and even elegance are reduced to deplorable distress. The general, further emulating his ministerial masters by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the course of the common law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law.

Marshal, end quote. His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown. Besides a considerable number of houses and other places, our ships and vessels are seized, the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him. We have received certain intelligence that general Carleton, the governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and the Indians to fall upon us. But we have too much reason to apprehend that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feels, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, sword, and famine.

We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them. Our cause is just, our union is perfect, our internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable.

We gratefully acknowledge as signal instances of the divine favor towards us that his providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy until we were grown up to our present strength had been previously exercised in warlike operation and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. And Thomas Paine talks about this too, a lot in common sense. How we had to get to this point of readiness with hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God in the world, declare that exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our beneficent creator hath graciously bestowed upon us the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance employ for the preservation of our liberties, Being with our one mind resolved to die free men rather than live slaves.

Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies without any imputation or even suspicion of offense.

They boast of their privileges and civilization and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death in our native land. In defense of the freedom that is our birthright and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it, for the protection of our property acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before. With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial judge and ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms and thereby to relieve the empire from calamities.

From the calamities of civil war. By order of congress. John Hancock, president, attested. Charles Thompson, secretary. Printed by Thomas and William Bradford, Philadelphia, 1775. Pretty awesome. Yeah. Pretty awesome, right? I don’t think very many people have read that, but it just doesn’t. It just gives me that. It gives me shivers. Mm. It’s one thing, you know, so few people know about the real American history. You know, the things that led up to the Civil War or this, to the Revolutionary War. I. I was. I. I follow a. Are you familiar with Tom Grieve? He’s. He’s a.

He’s a firearms attorney up in Wisconsin. And he does a lot of. And he has, he, he often has on this gal who is a very, very deep, she does a lot of deep dives into constitutional law in terms of firearm ownership and all that kind of stuff. And she was talking about how the firearms really got to be an issue in the colonies was after the, the French Indian wars. And because the, when the, when the, when the French and Indian wars were going on, the British were basically the, the British had all of the colonies or all of the territory basically west of the Appalachians.

The French had all of the territory east of the Appalachians, which are west of the Appalachians. And that’s, you know, you know, when, when Napoleon sold all that territory, the Louisiana Purchase, that was all French territory. Yeah. And, and so, and, and then you had French, you, you had certain Indian tribes that were allied with the French and you had certain Indian tribes that were allied with the British. And ultimately the British won that war. But there was, and when the British won that war, they left a whole bunch of garrison of men here, armies and up.

But up until that point, there were no, there were basically no, there’s no presence of any British troops on, on the American colonial soil. And when the British troops got here, they started imposing things on the American colonists that they hadn’t had to deal with prior to the French and Indian War. Yeah. And they’re like. And, and, and then that was, and then the ultimate culmination was when they tried to take the weapons from the guys up in Boston. Yeah. And they’re like, no, no. Yeah, okay, that’s. You cross the line. Yeah, but, and then they did the taxation, you know, the taxation without representation and all that other stuff, because the, the British or, you know, they were considered British subjects, but they didn’t have any say in the, you know, how things were governed.

That’s right. They didn’t have a say in Parliament. They were basically like Puerto Rico in a way. But they were like under attack. Well, no, let me see. Right now Puerto Rico is considered a territory, so they, they are autonomous, but they have American protection. Right, right, but we were under attack rather than protection. So, but my, well, but my, the point I’m making is, is that the, what we were considered would be like if Puerto Rico was a state, but they didn’t have any senators or representatives in Congress. Right, but they were, but they were considered a state and had to abide by everything that Congress did.

Right. And that is, that’s, that’s, that’s the best analogy that I can give in terms of the colonies, the colonies were under the subject of the King and, and at. And when the troops came over here, the King, they were imposing more and more things on. Onto the, onto the colonies that they didn’t, they weren’t, they weren’t cool with, you know, forcing them to have to buy certain things, you know, but you can only buy this particular tea. And of course that’s what led to the Boston Tea Party. And you know it’s, it was very interesting in there.

You talked about the, the, the. With the Boston Massacre. Well, the Boston Massacre in, in. In the, in the John Adams miniseries it actually showed it was. It was fairly accurate because the, the British the. The five British troops that were. That were essentially detained by the, the colony of the colonials, they were. They were found to be innocent of firing the first shot that the. It was the colonists that were rabble rousing and the, the. The British soldiers were fighting were. They were terrified in fighting. You know, they fired in defense of what they thought was an attack on themselves.

And it was. And it was John Adams who got them off. So anyway, they were all countrymen still. Yes. You know, and so it wasn’t. And the Puerto Rico example is good except for add to it that then we went and attacked Puerto Rico, you know. Right, right. I mean it’s really another thing that was happening too was the, the, the tax stamp, what was it? The, the Stamp Act. The Stamp act. Yeah. And that required that all paper that was printed on had to be had to come from Great Britain with a stamp on it.

And so. And that really. So. And my, my ancestors were printers. Right. They really hated that. And that’s how my, the ancestor who was a colonel in the revolution wound up. Part of it was because of the Stamp act. As a printer, it was like hell with that, you know. No, the amount of control being. And I really. One of the reasons I just think this is a cool document to review is that it’s, it’s so familiar to what we. It’s the same thing. I mean you may call it Great Britain or not, call it the cabal, call it whatever you want, you know, the deep state call.

It’s the same thing. It’s all the same stuff. You know, they couldn’t use their own money. They had to pay all these other money was being taken. The justice system was all screwed up with admiralty and law being extended way beyond its original, you know, purpose. All that stuff. There’s nothing even about common law in this Document, that’s a whole other monkey, but yeah, but it. Doesn’t it sound familiar? Yeah, a lot of that, a lot of that sounds very familiar. And they really still trying to take our guns. And no matter what you think about that, if you don’t want to carry a gun or have a gun and everything, that’s just fine.

But always bear in mind that the point of that was it grew out of that amendment, grew out of the need to protect yourself from your government. That’s right. It’s a very interesting point that you make there because when the founding fathers put the second amendment into the Bill of Rights, they were, they had just completed a revolution where they fought the greatest military power on the planet. So it was not about hunting, it was not about, it was not about protecting yourself from, from, from a home invasion. That’s, I mean, and that is, those are the arguments that the anti gunners have, have begun to employ.

Which is just ridiculous. Yeah, well, yeah, I think there’s a, if you think the government, there’s just such a profound and basic misunderstanding of government and of the whole American concept wrapped up in that. Because the idea that the government is above us and is here to rule us and we’re supposed to obey them is the really old fashioned royalty idea. And that’s the whole point of this country, was to not do that. And the government serves us and we rule it. But of course it was early infiltrated and our founding fathers, as we consistently call them, knew that that infiltration was likely and knew the danger of it, knew the people involved, I’m sure at least some of them.

And so when they talk about ministerial rapacity, so that informed a lot of what went into the Bill of Rights too in the Constitution. But yeah, of course it was, it goes without saying people had guns, they had to shoot game to feed their families. I mean they weren’t going to the grocery store and buying a chicken breast back then, you know, but it wasn’t just that, that part went without saying. It was about, really about protecting yourself from the government. And if you think the government’s great, then you’re going to not get it right. And firearms were so much bigger than just defending yourself against the government.

And like is like you said then, you know, they had to use it basically for survival. Whether it was defending yourself from your government or defending yourself from, from, from Indians or outlaws or hunting game animals or whatever. Yeah, I mean it was just, it was, it was, I mean it was like it was a, those were tools that you had to have. It was. There’s no, there’s no ifs, ands or buts. Yeah, yeah, it was survival. That’s basically. Yeah, it’s like a telephone today, you know. Right. And, but, but I find it very interesting here how they have literally, I mean this is, this is a very interesting document about how they’ve justified the use of force against Britain.

And, and it’s, and it’s not, I mean this isn’t just something that’s just written haphazardly. I mean they put some serious thought. These are some of the finest minds that were even available on the planet, at least certainly in the, in the white race, you know, at the time. These are some of the very finest minds and that, that they make it very plain. We’re not a bunch of rebels and rebel rousers. We would really prefer, prefer to maintain a good relationship with Britain. We’re not, when they wrote this, they weren’t thinking, oh, we’re going to be a separate country.

They were just saying get off our backs, quit, you know, killing us and messing with us. But it had to go all the way because they wanted liberty. Right. And it couldn’t stop as it, as it happened. It couldn’t stop with what this actually proposes, which is that ultimately they form a peace and they stay connected and they’re, you know, they don’t break off as a separate country, but they did have to in order to, in order to achieve liberty as we’re still trying to achieve it. And that’s what it took. As it said here, it said here because the sentence is so doggone long with heart, with hearts fortified, and with these animated animating reflections, we most solemnly before God and the world declare that exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our benefit or which are beneficent creator hath graciously bestowed upon us the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance employ for the preservation of our liberties, being with our one mind resolved to die free men rather than live, than live slaves.

And I. Man, you want to talk about. I know that’s deep. And, and, and the crazy thing about, you know, one of the really crazy things about, about the founding Fathers is, and most people don’t realize this, these guys were not in their 40s and 50s and 60s when they did this. They were in their late 20s. Yeah, they were young. Isn’t that incredible? How, how self possessed they were and how, what vision they had and Determination and unity. And I think that’s one of the reasons. It’s not only that they were religious people, but that’s one reason they call on God and say, whoa, you know, like, we have the perfect unity here.

And they make the point that they couldn’t have done it any sooner. Thomas Paine goes on about this in Common Sense, which I also narrated on my podcast in six installments because it’s such an amazing. Let’s. Let’s. Let’s do that. Let’s go. Let’s do that one, too. Let’s do common. Let’s do Common Sense. I’d love to do that. I think that was. I love a lot of these really older documents that nobody even knows exists or they don’t even know. Like, they don’t even. They don’t even take the time to read them. Yeah. This is literally the foundation of our country.

I know, I know. And they talk about. And like I was saying about. Thomas Paine talks about. It couldn’t have happened any sooner because they needed to build up their. They fought in a war previous to this, so they got their experience. Right. And they built up their arms, they built up their fleet. They were very busy. I mean, they were building a navy. You know, they were busy. They were trading, and they were bringing huge prosperity to Great Britain because, you know, this promised Columbia. Right. The promised land, kind of. And they also had the right number of people, and any fewer people wouldn’t have been enough.

And any more people, the idea would have been too spread. Spread out. But as they say here, they have this perfect unity. There was this perfect moment for this to happen that was sparked, you know, in Lexington and Concord. It’s still. We’re fighting it today. I mean, I don’t. I feel like they started it and it’s up to us to finish it. And it may be in different terms, but it’s the same. I feel like we’re still in the American Revolution. It hasn’t actually been won yet. I, I think. I think it’s been won a couple of times, but it has been.

Even. Even though the defeat has been, you know, like, sound. We. We soundly defeated them. They. They. They’re not stopping. They. They don’t stop coming back. No, they’re. They. They. They want. You know, and I, I don’t. And I’m not saying that they’re. They’re equivalent. I’m just drawing a parallel. But it’s like the. It’s. It’s like the. Either the abortion or the LGBT thing. Whatever they. They push, as long as they’re not going to get any resistance. And when they get resistance, then they stop. And then when. When it dies down, they start pushing again. And the resistance, where the resistance is limited.

And then. And. And then what happens is, is that you. You’re, you know, every time they push, they gain a little bit more, and then they get resistance, and then they stop. Then they. And then they. The resistance dies away. They push a little bit more, they get more resistance, but they’ve gained more every single time. And where we are now is. They’ve gained so much, and now it’s like, well, you know, we are that frog in the boiling water. And the water is at. You know, the water is now beginning to see bubbles. Yeah. And I think at the same time that they press where.

Where it gives. The resistance that does exist solidifies. So, I mean, I. I really think that. Because consciousness is raised. Right. Right. So that’s what we’re doing. Yeah, we are. You know. Well, listen, I want to thank you for coming on and reading this. This was. This was awesome. I. I mean, sincerely, I thought it was really good, and I would love to know. You talked about common sense. I think that would be fantastic. I’d love to go back and read some of the other stuff that Payne did and some of the things that Samuel Adams did.

Yeah, there’s a lot of those guys wrote and wrote. Amazing. That’s all they did. I know. And it was. It’s all, like, gorgeous, you know, like this. This is a gorgeous piece of writing. It’s just so beautifully modulated and balanced, and from the first to the last word, every single sentence, and the way the whole thing builds, the way their argument is laid out, and it could not have been anything less. They’re dealing with this, that great empire, you know, you can’t just dash it off, so. But that’s how good these guys were. And I think it’s a really interesting point that they were young, so they had.

That they had the energy and they had their wives, man. The women who were backing this, too. Amazing. The women who went over there, it’s. It’s interesting. I have a. Have you ever seen, like, like third and fourth grade school textbooks from, like, the 1800s? Oh, gosh. You mean like a primer? Kind of like that. But where they, you know, they have, like, math problems. And, I mean, you know, in, like, in fourth grade math, they were doing what we would be doing in high school. It’s so bad. I mean, I don’t want to even. I know.

I’m not trying to. I’m not. I’m not trying to pour salt in a wound. The point I’m making is, is that, you know, they. For them, education was important, and they learned things, and they learned things fast. And they, you know. Yeah. And that was. And by the time that they were 13, 14, 15 years old, they were. They were men out in the world doing things that they needed to get done. Yeah. They were not sitting on a couch, scrolling. No, it wasn’t. You know, the age of consent was not 18. The age of consent at that time was like, 12.

Yes. You know. Yes. And they were. They were. They all could. You probably a lot of them could use firearms. I mean, they had to. I mean, as children. I mean, they were learned. They. They learned. You know, I’m sure you saw the movie Patriot. Yeah, sure. Yeah. And you know how to say aim small, miss small. And, you know, it’s like. I mean, they had to. The thing about it is, is that when. When. When you were hunting game, you couldn’t miss because if you missed, you didn’t eat. Yeah. So, I mean, they had to get good.

And they had. They had to be very, very good marksmen for sure. And they. And they knew Latin, you know. Oh, they knew so much more than we know now. Well, they know. They know. It’s such. It’s hard to compare, really. You’re. Yeah, you’re. That’s. That’s a very good. That’s a very good thing to say, because it’s comparing. Comparing where they were to where we are now. It’s like. It’s not apples to apples. It’s like apples to, like, to. I don’t know, an apple tree. It’s not even. It’s not even as. It’s like apples to, like, cantaloupe.

It’s. I mean, it’s. It’s so far. Yeah. You know, and yet I feel really. I could never put anything together like this, but I feel really, really connected to it at the same time. And not only because my ancestors participated in this and printed this and, you know, all that were with the Continental Congress, like, they all knew each other. It wasn’t a lot of people. So I feel really connected to it at the same time that it was a long time ago. Like, the possibility is still there, and we don’t want to get retroactive about it or nostalgic or anything like that, but to feel the potential of those roots, to understand that is still within us, you know, that is still there.

And that’s kind of what I mean when I say we’re still fighting that war. And I don’t like to even use the word war, it’s so stupidly used. War is, you know, not all wars are, you know, cause bloodshed. Wars are, you know, you know, a war is just a euphemism for a fight for. Sure, Yeah, I think it’s used, I mean, when they talk about like the war against drugs, like, oh yeah, that’s a war against people. Any warrior. You say the war against cancer is a war against people. It always is whenever they use that phraseology.

So I’m kind of hesitant to end spiritual war. Wait, those two don’t really go together. Right. You know, but I agree. But when it comes to the revolution and the ideals of it and the purpose of it and the reason, the cause and necessity, necessities and his causes and necessity. I think it’s causes and necessity. You want to get that right. Those still exist. This is still relevant, you know, this is very relevant because, because what you’re, what you’re talking about is you’re talking about basic human principles. Yeah. You’re not talking, you’re not talking about AI being a good thing here, you know.

No, this is, this is basic human principle in terms of like liberty and, and dignity. And dignity. Right. Self determination. Self determination, absolutely. That’s what I, I mean, America has, has. We’ve, we’ve really committed a lot of terrible atrocities across the globe. Absolutely. Or planet, whatever this is. But, but still, this ideal has not existed anywhere else. There isn’t really a constitution. I think Reagan said this. Not that I’m a fan of politicians, but that there isn’t really a constitution that lays it out like this and says, look, you, the government, serve us, the people, because we are free and you are our servants.

Right. Well, Jefferson said it best. When the government fears the people, there’s liberty. And when the people fear the government, there’s tyranny. Yes. And I would postulate that the vast majority of the people walking this, in our country, walking around, they are walking in fear of the government at whatever level it is. Yeah. The IRS or something, local police, the building inspector, the guy, the, you know, the fascists rolling around, operating as a code inspector, code enforcement, just driving around looking to see if he can find something that you’ve done, you know, that in order to raise money.

Right. Keep you under their thumb. Right. It’s, it’s just, it’s, it’s so I’m reminded of a, of a situation where my uncle, before he passed, he. He put up a carport on. Over his garage, over his driveway to keep the sun off of his cars. And he. He got into a fight with the city because they told him he had to pull it down. Yeah. There’s so much. And ultimately he, Ultimately, he had to pull it down because he said because the city told him if he didn’t pull it down, they were going to come and pull it down, and then they were going to charge him for doing it.

Yeah. That’s not serving you. That doesn’t serve you. So, yeah, we got to get this flipped around 100. But let’s, let’s. Let’s talk. Let’s talk about. Let’s talk about that. Talk about some times about going forward, because if we could do something where, you know, it’s just, you know, we get like a consistent time where we could do it once a week and just. Or, you know, there’s. There’s no shortage of things that we can discuss. Yeah. In terms of, like, in terms of old material, there’s just. Yeah. And try to. And then discussing it, you know, air that.

Re. Air the principles and get, you know, people to feel the energy of that and the confidence that that brings about their own lives and how we’re going to pull this off. Right. Because the, you know, and I’ll finish with this. The. The principles that the. The colonies were fighting for in 1776 when they declared independence are the exact same things that we, as the patriots today, are fighting for. I mean, it’s no different. I mean, there may be. There may be some subtle, nuanced changes in terms of how technology has impacted it, but at the end of the day, we’re fighting for the same thing.

Absolutely. So with that, tell people how they can find you again. Right. You can find me on my website as carringtonmacduffy.com on my YouTube channel, which is Carrington McDuffie. There’s a lot of material there, a lot of music videos and, and my podcast also. I mean, I’m on Twitter and. Or X whatever, and social media, but YouTube and rumble also, you can find me on Rumble at Starseeds of Freedom. And those are. I like those platforms because. Because it allows me more depth and social media is just quick little stuff, more shallow stuff. And I, you know, so I, I mean, I do.

I’m there. You can find me on. I have a fan page on Facebook, whatever. But if you want to. About what I’m trying to offer and what I’m about or what, you know, I can offer. It would be, you know, you can navigate there from my website, carringtonmacduffy.com Nice. Very nice. All right, well, thank you for today. This was great. I need to go because I’ve got to feed some cats. You gotta be a lion tamer now? Yeah, yeah, I got, I’ve got, I’ve got, I’ve got five hungry felines that are hungry. So I got, I got to do that because I’ve got another show here in about 45 minutes, so.

Okay, stick around for just a second, guys. We’ll see you here in about, about 45 minutes with Ghost. We’re going to be talking about the, the Trump just shellacking that he gave to the Davos crowd and, and the possibility of, you know, what might happen if we get into armed conflict with the, with the cartels. So interesting topics. So that said, look forward to seeing you guys here at 5pm Pacific, 8 Eastern, which is in about 45 minutes. So we’ll see you then. Thanks, everybody.
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